Dil ki Baat · Feb 1, 2024 · 44:47
PTI's manifesto reads like a new constitution in waiting
Muzamil reads PTI's full 2024 manifesto and finds a party writing a new constitution while quietly preparing to lose the next election.
6 min read
Why a manifesto still matters, even in Pakistan’s politics
This is the first episode of Dil ki Baat, recorded four days before Pakistan’s 2024 general election. Muzamil opens by naming the premise directly: he is not telling anyone who to vote for. He wants to look at what each major party has actually proposed, because whichever government forms will set policies that reach into everyone’s salary, job, and daily life.
He addresses the usual dismissal head-on. People say manifestos don’t matter because whoever wins does what they want anyway. Muzamil disagrees with the framing, not the cynicism. “Even if what’s written in the manifesto doesn’t happen, you at least get a picture of what the party’s leadership actually wants, what their real needs and priorities are,” he says. Over three episodes he plans to walk through PTI’s manifesto, then the Pakistan Peoples Party’s, then PML-N’s. This one is PTI’s: 170 pages, which Muzamil says he read in full.
Rule of law as the foundation for everything else
The first thing Muzamil flags is how much space PTI gives to overhauling the justice system: judicial independence, family courts, rural arbitration mechanisms meant to divert cases away from overloaded courts, and detailed sections on women’s and minors’ rights covering harassment, inheritance, and education. He connects this to economics directly. “When you fix the justice system, investment and the economy follow. Investors won’t put money into a country where, if fraud happens, they have no court to go to,” he says, contrasting Pakistan with Dubai, where a fraud complaint can reach a courtroom within days.
He also credits the manifesto for naming gig and home-based workers, including delivery riders, as a protected category needing rights and legal cover. Muzamil reads this section as personal for PTI: a party writing down, in detail, the exact abuses of police, judiciary, and bureaucracy it says it experienced, then building a fix around that specific experience rather than issuing a generic promise.
A truth and reconciliation process for seventy years of history
One of the more unusual sections proposes committees to investigate and publish the record on Pakistan’s major historical ruptures, from the loss of East Pakistan to periods of martial law. Muzamil reads the tone carefully. Despite what he describes as a genuinely difficult period for the party, he doesn’t hear vengeance in the language. “They’re not so focused on revenge as they are on getting the whole truth out in the open, so the country never has to go back through it again,” he says. Whether that framing survives contact with actual politics, he leaves open.
A directly elected prime minister and a rewritten Senate
This is where Muzamil says the manifesto turns genuinely structural. PTI proposes a directly elected prime minister rather than one chosen by parliament, an argument framed around insulating the office from being “blackmailed.” It proposes that half of Senate seats be directly elected rather than chosen by provincial assemblies, with four-year terms. And it lays out, in more operational detail than he has seen from any party before, how power would devolve to district and tehsil-level local governments, stripping deputy commissioners and assistant commissioners of executive authority and handing it to elected local officials, with bureaucrats kept on only in an advisory capacity.
Muzamil calls this the part most people will find boring and most people should read anyway. Taken together, the changes amount to a new constitutional settlement even though the document never uses that phrase. He notes the practical obstacle: constitutional change needs a two-thirds majority PTI is unlikely to have, and Pakistan’s bureaucracy has no interest in giving up the authority this would take from it.
Abolishing CSS and paying bureaucrats to perform
The bureaucratic reform section is where Muzamil sees the sharpest break from precedent. PTI proposes ending the Central Superior Services exam system entirely, replacing generalist recruitment with specialist hiring, “the way the rest of the world does it,” and stripping remaining officers of perks, official vehicles, and staff in exchange for market-comparable cash salaries. Promotions and raises would be tied to measured performance rather than blanket annual increments, with the manifesto citing up to a 200 percent gap between top and average performers.
Muzamil calls the underlying logic appealing in principle, while flagging that principle and implementation are different things once the plan meets an entrenched bureaucracy built around exactly the privileges being removed.
Ownership versus management: the public-private partnership bet
On the economy, Muzamil highlights what he sees as the manifesto’s real dividing line against the other parties he plans to cover: PTI leans on public-private partnership rather than privatization. State-owned enterprises stay owned by the state, but management and a majority operating stake go to private companies, similar to the PTCL model, with profit split by ownership share. “The problem in this whole situation isn’t that government owns an institution. The problem is that government manages it,” Muzamil says, summarizing PTI’s position.
He also notes what’s missing: no short-term populist promises, ten-year targets instead of immediate relief, a firm commitment to end tax amnesty schemes going forward, and a section on pension reform that he flags as underdiscussed given that pensions consume close to a third of the federal budget.
The energy math no five-year plan escapes
Energy gets its own section, and Muzamil uses his own utility bills to illustrate the scale of the problem. “The electricity I use in Dubai costs me 28 rupees a unit. That same electricity is costing nearly 65 rupees a unit in Islamabad right now. That doesn’t make sense,” he says, walking through how expensive power feeds directly into uncompetitive exports, and how subsidizing it just shifts the cost into circular debt while removing the subsidy suppresses demand and hits producers from the other side. He credits PTI, like the other parties, with acknowledging the problem in detail, while noting none of them, in his read so far, has a clean way out of it.
He is more skeptical of the manifesto’s IT export target of 30 billion dollars within five years, calling it a number without a credible path attached, and voices doubt about a renewed push into housing and real estate given what he sees as an already oversized property bubble crowding out savings and investment.
A document written for a party that isn’t expecting to win
Muzamil closes on the manifesto’s texture rather than its content. Unlike the polished, professionally designed documents from the other parties, PTI’s reads as hastily assembled: inconsistent formatting, sections that look like they were written separately by different former ministers and stapled together. He reads that roughness as evidence the document is not cosmetic, that a party without normal access to design resources chose depth over presentation.
That depth, paired with the total absence of short-term populist promises, leads him to a specific conclusion. “I don’t think PTI is coming to power. I think this manifesto is also an acknowledgment that they aren’t forming the next government, and they’re preparing themselves for the Pakistan of twelve to twenty-four months from now,” he says. Structural reforms of this scope, he argues, only make sense as a document written for a different political moment than the one the country is in on election week, which is why he reads it as a positioning paper for a later fight rather than a governing plan for the next five years.
Full transcript
Assalam-o-Alaikum khawateen-o-hazraat, welcome back to another episode of Dil Ki Baat. Probably the first episode of Dil Ki Baat kyunki jo pichli wali thi, that was actually the 400th episode of Thought Behind Things. So this is a separate segment, separate show altogether. Aur waise to maine apne dil ki baatein bahut saari karni thi, usme personal stories bhi hain, usme mere khayalat bhi hain different cheezon ke baare mein. Lekin chunki humein pata hai ke 7 din baad elections aa rahe hain apparently, jab main record kar raha hoon, yeh taqreeban jo live jaati hai usse 24 ghante pehle hota hai. To sunne mein aa raha hai ke kal Election Commission baithega aur woh KP aur Balochistan ke shayad elections delay kar de. Agar woh ho gaya to I can't say anything. But yeh ke abhi tak to yahi lag raha hai ke 8 tareekh ko elections aa rahe hain. Aur maine yeh socha ke agle teen chaar din main zara is cheez ke upar focus karoon. Main bilkul bhi is video mein main yeh nahi keh raha ke kisko vote karein, kisko nahi vote karein, kya sahi hai, kya galat hai. I don't want to get into any of that. But what I want to talk about is, is the, is this understanding ke aane wale waqt ke andar potentially Pakistan mein kya hoga? Kyunki politics notwithstanding, jo policies hain usse humein direct impact padega. Humein humari tanakhahein kaisi hongi, humare kya kehte hain use, humari jobs ke upar kya impact aayega, humari surroundings pe kya impact aayega, economy pe kya impact aayega. To yeh tamam aisi cheezein hain jo ke jisse directly humare log guzrein ge. Humara education sector, humara health sector aur usko samajhne ka sabse accha tareeqa jo hai woh parties ke manifestos hote hain jo ke Pakistan mein itne seriously liye nahi jaate, unfortunately. Aur aur jab liye bhi jaate hain, koi baat bhi karta hai to log kehte hain yaar manifesto se kya hoga, jisne jo karna hai woh to wahi karega. But it's not necessarily true kyunki manifesto even if agar main yeh kehta hoon na ke agar manifesto mein jo likha hai woh nahi hoga lekin aapko kam az kam ek khayal jo jo jo party hai ya jo leaders hain unka mental woh nazar aa jata hai ke woh exactly kya chahte hain, kya unki needs and wants hain. At least kin areas pe focus hai unka. Kya woh kar paate hain, nahi kar paate, woh ek alag debate hai. Aur chunki Pakistani electoral politics is designed in such a way ke aap baatein chaar kar lein lekin karna itna aasan nahi hai. To iske upar hum detail mein mazeed se bhi baat kar lenge lekin at least humein pata yeh hoga ke direction kya hai different parties ki. Ab isme teen major political parties hain, PTI jinke haalaat aaj kal bahut kharab hain, unko har taraf se maar pad rahi hai, koshish poori ki ja rahi hai ke kahin ghalti se bhi woh you know, koi government na bana sakein. Sabse bada yeh jise kehte hain ke azaab barpa hoga Pakistan ki ek certain class ke upar. But obviously bahut zyada massive support hai unki to bahut badi party hai. Even though unke paas balla nahi hai ab lekin yeh ke woh independents hain, woh ab aage dekhne ko hai ke woh hota hai, nahi hota. Par at least woh jo jo thought hai, jo jo framework hai jisko hum PTI keh sakte hain is time ke upar, woh kya chahti hai, ek to woh hai. Yeh taqreeban 170 pages ka unka manifesto hai. I went through the entirety of it just to give you guys some idea. Phir iske sath sath yeh doosra Peoples Party ka, 61 pages ka hai I think aur phir Noon League ka isi tareeqe se 55 pages ke upar mushtamil manifesto hai. Aur maine yeh socha tha ke main har agle teen din, aaj, kal aur parso, main jo hai woh aapko ek overview doon of one party each just for you to understand ke yeh jo parties hain agar inka Prime Minister candidate Prime Minister ban gaya to yeh potentially kis taraf lekar jayenge Pakistan ko. Abhi is waqt jo situation hai woh yeh hai ke PTI ko to khair by and large nahi aane diya ja raha to woh shayad aaye bhi na. Lekin yeh ke uske upar kya woh woh kyun hain manifesto, kya thought process hai, uske baare mein baat karunga. Peoples Party aur PML-N ke darmiyan abhi is waqt jo hai na, they're still, jury is out on that kyunki koshish to, it seemed like koshish poori thi ke PML-N would be would become, you know, the government. But it seems now ke independents might win, a lot of the independents might win jo ke balla-less independents hain aur phir woh eventually thode se pehle humne dekha tha Sindh House ka ek drama to woh ek shayad drama ho jisme bahut saare independents ghayab ho jayein aur phir woh eventually announce karein ke yaar hum XYZ party join kar rahe hain. To more often than not jab bhi independents ghayab hote hain to woh Peoples Party hi join karte hain. To suddenly I feel like ke Bilawal Bhutto Zardari sahab ka bhi jo hai woh ek potential nazar aana shuru ho gaya hai. Which is why, you know, today we're going to discuss PTI, tomorrow I'm going to talk about Peoples Party and then day after tomorrow we're going to talk about PML-N. Let's talk about PTI now. I want to wrap this this video up in 30 minutes so that, you know, aapko zyada time bhi na lagana pade. Aap isko 2x pe dekh sakte hain. But let's talk about some salient features. Acha ab PTI ka aapko pata hai ke kyunki party ke sath jo jo hua hai, you know, in terms of particularly in terms of the justice system, judiciary, judiciary mein jo jo unhone bear kiya hai recent times mein. Phir doosra, police ke sath jo unhone bear kiya hai recent times mein, woh bhi I think justice system mein hi aa jata hai, law and order and justice system mein. Aur teesra bureaucracy ke sath jo unhone kiya hai, kabhi dafa 144 lag gayi, kabhi kisi ko MPO ke order pe utha liya, waghera waghera. To ek cheez badi clearly badi detail mein nazar aati hai jo ke baqi manifestos mein nahi nazar aati. PTI ne bahut bahut bahut extensive detail ke andar rule of law ki baat ki hai. Unhone kaha hai ke ji justice system jab tak aapka sahi nahi hoga, to justice system ek aisi cheez hai jo ke core foundation hoti hai kisi bhi society ki, uske upar cheezein khadi hoti hain. To unka kehna yeh hai ke ji jab aap justice system ko set kar denge to aage economy, investment bhi aayegi. Bahut saara investor aapki country mein invest nahi karta, unko darr hota hai ke yaar agar do-nambari ho gayi, yeh ho gaya, woh ho gaya to hum court mein nahi ja sakte. Jaise aap for example Dubai mein, Dubai mein aap agar koi aapke sath fraud kare, aap do minute mein court mein jayein, dekhein uske sath kya haal hota hai. To woh cheez Pakistan mein exist nahi karti. But overall, not just with in terms of business, aam subah shaam hum hota hai, humare gharon mein kirayedar aake baith jata hai, stay order le leta hai, bees bees saal cases chalte hain, whatever, so on and so forth. To to unhone is tarah ki cheezon ke upar jo justice system hai na, na sirf uske baare mein baat ki hai, uske overhaul ki, radical overhaul ki baat ki hai balki bahut detail mein usko explain bhi kiya hai ke woh kaise hoga, independence of judges kis tarah maintain hogi, family courts kis tarah se honge, kis tareeqe se on a grass-root level, on a rural level, arbitration arbitration ka kya tareeqa-kar hoga jiske tehat kaafi hadd tak jo random cases hote hain woh settlement mein deal ho jayein ge taake jo courts ke paas bahut extensive amounts of cases aa rahe hain woh nahi aayenge. Again, bahut detail mein bataya hai. I want to give you guys a summary. To main isko mota-mota sort of summarize karke aapko bataunga. To ek to unhone bahut detail ke andar explain kiya hai ke ji hum justice system ko overhaul karenge. Aur jab uske andar unhone baat ki hai to usme unhone, mujhe jo cheez badi acchi lagi, woh unhone, you know, minor children ki bahut extensively baat ki hai, women ki bahut detail mein baat ki hai. Chahe woh harassment mein ho, chahe woh inheritance ki rights pe ho, chahe woh education pe ho, to unhone bahut detail mein, intricately jaake identify kiya hai aur bahut detail mein uske baare mein likha hua hai. To mujhe bada accha laga, it's koi yeh nahi ke lepa-pothi wala nahi kiya hua unhone, pata lag raha hai ke badi detail mein unhone uske upar soch samajh ke uska woh kiya hua hai. Ek badi interesting cheez inke mein bhi hai, Peoples Party mein bhi hai, home-based workers ya gig workers jo ke Foodpanda aur Careem aur yeh saare ke saare hain, unke rights ke unke rights aur unki protection ke liye unhone baat ki hai. To ek cheez aapko badi clearly nazar aati hai ke PTI jo hai woh ab jo unke sath hua hai na, woh cheez unhone note down ki hai saari ki saari aur woh personally us cheez ko fix karne ke liye bada clearly uske upar focus kar rahe hain. Unhone yeh nahi kaha ke ji hum jo humare sath hua hai ab hum isi nizam ko mein rehte hue ab hum agle ke sath wahi karenge. Woh yeh keh rahe hain ke ji jo humne experience kiya hai, usko unhone identify kiya hai aur ab usko fix karna chah rahe hain. To I think that's a very good thing. Phir isi ke sath sath unhone media aur information ki freedom aur transparency aur accountability ki baat ki hai jo ke bahut acchi hai. Unhone kaha ke ji kis tareeqe se hum media ko free ensure karenge ke woh free ho, uske upar pressure na ho. Jo PEMRA hai, uske alternative woh ek poori ek aur agency banana chahte hain jo ke media ki media houses ko represent kare and it includes people from outside of the government. To woh bada ek interesting initiative hoga agar woh kar paate hain. Jiske andar unhone bahut detail ke andar digital media ki bhi baat ki hai, mainstream media ki bhi baat ki hai, independence of media ki baat ki hai. Again, yeh inke sath padi hai, inko padi hai recently jisme jab media jo hai woh completely control hua hai. Inke time pe bhi tha. Us time ke upar inko khayal nahi aaya. But I think ab woh jaag gaye hain. To unko samajh aa gaya hai ke yaar yeh is tareeqe se to nahi chal sakta, we have to make sure ke media jo hai woh impartial ho aur media jo hai woh free ho aur uske upar bhi again bahut detail mein. Matlab mujhe yeh cheez bahut acchi lagi, 160 pages jo hain na woh technically first look mein ho raha tha ke yaar itni detail, kya scene hai, manifesto to mota-mota hota hai. Lekin uska faida yeh hai actually ke aapko nazar aa raha hai ke kitna well thought out hai saara kuch aur jin areas pe unhone focus kiya hai woh bade real areas hain. Main aage bataunga ke kaun se areas hain jahan pe unhone nahi zyada focus kiya ya at least usko unhone ignore karna behtar samjha for now. To I'm not just saying ke theek hai, har cheez pe hi focus kiya hai, but jo major areas hain jahan pe focus hua hai, wahan par bahut detail mein us cheez ko explain zaroor kiya gaya hai. Acha phir uske baad unhone ek bahut interesting baat ki hai, healing the nation through truth and reconciliation. Yeh keh rahe hain ke ji pichle 70 saal mein Pakistan ke sath bahut zalaalat hui hai aur Pakistan mein log jo hain woh bahut maar khaaye hue hain, despondency hai, hopelessness hai. To hum bahut extensive aur yeh bahut ek major unhone pillar iske andar dala hai. Unhone kaha hai ke ji hum 70 saal ki saari cheez ki truth and reconciliation mein jayenge. Committees banayenge jo ke baait ke ek ek cheez chahe woh Bangladesh ka masla ho, chahe woh martial laws hon, chahe woh XYZ jo bhi hua, us saare ko hum detail mein jayenge aur jaake analyze karenge, study karenge aur woh study karke hum qaum ke samne rakhenge ke actual mein kya hua. Unhone isme zyada iski baat nahi ki ke ji jise kehte hain na, aapko tone mein nazar nahi aa raha, zahir hai baat to nahi kar sakte the, but tone mein itna nazar nahi aa raha ke maybe they're not that interested in vengeance aur kyunki buri to hui hai inke sath, dhed do saal ke andar bahut zyada buri hui hai. But woh itna zyada vengeance ke baare mein woh nahi hain jitna zyada woh is cheez ke upar hain ke yaar jo bhi hai woh khatta-chitta samne aaye taake hum wapis kabhi uspe na jayein. To that was pretty interesting. Truth and reconciliation ki bahut detail mein unhone baat ki, unhone kaha ji usme oligarchies kis tarah exist karti hain, corruption kis tarah exist karti hai, democracy ko kya challenges hain, human rights ko kya masail hain, provinces mein kya masle hain. To woh keh rahe hain ke ji ek healing touch nation ko dena hai by telling them all about everything that has happened. Not qayas-araiyan, not conspiracy theories, but actual Government of Pakistan ki taraf se aaye ke exactly kya hua, tamam reportein, this and that, jo aaj tak humare samne nahi aayin, jo major major cheezein hain, major major tragedies jo humare samne huin. Aur woh hum samne lakar rakhenge. Phir uske baad women empowerment ke upar bahut detail mein, again like I said, baat ki. Bahut pertinent areas ke upar, women health ke upar baat ki, women welfare ki baat ki, widows ki baat ki, inheritance ke rights ki baat ki, sexual harassment ki baat ki, workplace harassment ki baat ki, education ki baat ki. So woh cheez mujhe badi interesting lagi, particularly women participation in the workforce, woh aage economics mein bhi aata hai inka. Uske upar bahut interesting steps bhi hain aur interesting unhone usko woh explain bhi kiya hua hai. Acha ji uske baad, yahan par ab sabse transformational cheez aati hai jo ke mujhe yaad hai ke jab meri podcast hui thi Khan sahab ke sath, pehli podcast thi, usme maine unse pucha tha, this was jab haalaat itne kharab nahi hue the, this was one month after the vote of no confidence. So yeh aapka jo Khan sahab ki government jo giri thi, uske ek mahine ke baad jo ek major podcast hui thi, Junaid Akram sahab bhi the mere sath, usme maine unse sawal kiya tha, maine kaha ji Pakistan mein jo haalaat is waqt ho gaye hain, isko madd-e-nazar rakhte hue aapko lagta hai ke log ab trust karenge government mein? Do you think Pakistan needs a new social contract? Do you think Pakistan needs a new constitution? Jiske upar Khan sahab ne kaha tha koi zaroorat nahi hai, aisa woh XYZ hai. Phir uske baad ek dhed saal guzra hai aur ab haalaat kaafi tight ho gaye hain to ab unhone kuch radical changes kiye hain, kuch constitutional changes. Matlab by and large agar main is poore overall manshoor ko padhoon na, to if you read between the lines to yeh ek naye constitution ki hi baat kar rahe hain, but let's talk about some of the major changes. Unhone yeh kaha hai ke ji Prime Minister jo hai woh directly elected hoga, woh MNAs pe nahi hoga, woh directly elect hoga. Aur yeh zahir hai constitutional change se possible hai ya naye constitution se possible hai, isme two-third majority chahiye. But vision unhone iske andar diya hai. Unhone kaha ji Prime Minister directly elected hoga taake usko koi blackmail na kar sake. Unhone kaha hai ke Senate of Pakistan jo ke upper house hai jo ke fail-safe hai ke niche kuch control ho bhi raha ho, Senate ensures ke equal representation of all provinces, it is the house of the federation. To woh jo hai uske andar 50% of the seats should be directly elected, like people should directly elect the senators rather than people electing the MPAs and then MPAs electing senators. Aur unki tenure unhone kaha hai chaar saal ki honi chahiye. Phir isi ke sath sath unhone democratization ki bahut detail mein baat ki hai, unhone kaha ji local bodies ke upar kis tareeqe se kaam hona chahiye, grass-root level ke upar unhone bataya ke ji choti local bodies honi chahiye. Local bodies ko hum pehle bhi sunte aaye hain, pichli government mein bhi bada iska shor macha aur you know, Karachi ki local bodies aur baqi jagahon pe hue bhi elections iske upar. Lekin unhone zyada bada roadmap diya hai ke kis tareeqe se hum jo hai woh on a district level, tehsil level hum jo hai woh election karwa ke hum local bodies ko empower karenge. To uske sath unhone baat ki hai ke kis tareeqe se local bodies ko hum empower karenge. Local bodies ki pehle bhi pichli government mein bhi baat hui thi, but woh moti-moti hui thi ke bas local body election ho jayenge, so on. Ab unhone ek roadmap diya hai ke actually kya hoga, tehsil aur district level ke upar kis tareeqe se direct elections honge aur woh elections jo hain, unki empowerment kis tarah hogi, unke paas ikhtiyar kya hoga, uske upar bahut detail mein yeh log gaye hain, empowering local government and strengthening local government governance. Ispe unhone kaha hai ji jitna bhi jo district management hai na, jo DCs ka ya assistant commissioners, district commissioners ka kaam tha, police ka kaam tha, jo aapki kya kehte hain use, education, health, woh saari ki saari woh keh rahe hain ke ji hum elected officials ko denge. Jaise ke America mein hota hai ke ji wahan ke ilaake ke log apne mayors ko, apne nazims ko elect karenge aur unke niche hi police hogi, unke niche hi administration hogi aur majority of the things jo ke actually already devolve ho chuki hain provinces ko, woh further devolve hongi to the districts and the and the tehsils. Aur yeh elected logon ko hongi. To yeh bahut ek bahut major, a lot of people don't realize it, yeh sunne wali baat nahi, major change hai. Is wajah se because essentially aap yeh keh rahe hain ke bureaucrats ki saari power lekar main elected officials ko de dunga jo ke itna aasan nahi hai kyunki Pakistan mein bureaucracy ka bahut strong hold hai aur woh kabhi bhi nahi chahenge ke humara saara kaam kyunki power wahan se draw karte hain na, woh badi gaadi, woh Instagram pe jo bade bureaucrats hain jo naye naye bacche usme ghusein hain, unka saara shashka hi yeh hota hai ke ji hum ek badi 4x4 mein ja rahe hain, humare do police wale aage, do police wale peeche, woh sab khatam ho jayega. To yeh DCs, ACs ka saara ka saara role jo hai woh utha ke de rahe hain local elected officials ko aur uska premise yeh hai ke ji ek to local log bande honge jo ke usko manage kar rahe honge, Islamabad se koi transfer ho ke wahan nahi aayega. Doosra yeh ke agar 5 saal mein unhone nahi deliver kiya, to awaam haq rakhti hai ke woh un logon ko vote out karegi aur woh agle logon ko lekar aayegi. To ek ek aisa foundational model woh banana chah rahe hain jisme it cleans itself up and overall it evolves into something efficient and useful. Acha iske upar unhone bahut detail mein gaye hain. Ek cheez mujhe jo interesting lagi thi, woh lagi thi ke jo housing societies hain, Pakistan mein bahut zyada sprout up ki hain, uske liye legislation lana chah rahe hain ke housing societies ke andar bhi elections hon aur uske andar bhi management of the housing society jo hai woh election ke through local residents apne log chunein aur phir woh societies ko manage karein aur yeh by law ho jaye. Abhi to yeh na ke within the housing societies, kuch societies mein hai aisa ke wahan pe election hote hain, usko koi seriously nahi leta, koi resident seriously nahi leta, woh apne hi thode bahut log hote hain, woh khud hi election karate hain, woh khud hi jeet jaate hain. To uske upar unhone kaafi detail mein gaye hain. Phir uske baad unhone provinces ki baat ki hai. Last time bhi baat ki ti, is baar last time unhone South Punjab ki baat ki thi, is baar smaller provinces ki baat ki hai, unhone kaha hai ke ji hum overall tamam provinces ko chota karenge aur usko behtar administrative control ki taraf jayenge. Acha yahan par main zara rok ke kyunki bahut saare logon ke liye shayad boring hona shuru ho jaye, dekhein yeh bada important hai. Yeh jo yeh jo baatein kar rahe hain na, yeh bahut important hain, yeh woh structural changes hain Pakistan ko jinki requirement hai. Aapko yeh samajhna chahiye, agar aap isse agree karte hain, disagree karte hain, disagree karte hain usko critique karein, but yeh humari discussion ka hissa hona chahiye. Humari discussion ka hissa yeh nahi hona chahiye ke woh chor, woh daaku, woh sahi, woh galat. Theek hai, woh ho raha hai. Chor daaku bhi hain, sahi galat bhi hai, politics bhi hai, but main aur aap us politics ko control nahi kar sakte, main aur aap us politics ko sirf aur sirf ek cheez se control kar sakte hain, woh aapka vote hai. Jayein, jaake vote karein, wapis aayein, baith jayein. Jo interesting cheez hai woh yeh hai ke jin cheezon ke upar argue kiya ja sakta hai, woh in un ke upar in reforms ke upar kiya ja sakta hai ke kya sahi, kya galat, kyunki yeh arbitrary hain, humein koi exact pata nahi hai. Yeh logic ke upar aap isko argue kar sakte hain ke nahi yaar yeh yeh sahi iqdam nahi hai, yeh sahi iqdam hai. Um yeh koi written in stone nahi hai, yeh facts nahi hain, right? So um yeh sunna bada zaroori hai. Humare log jaise hi is tarah ki baatein hoti hain, yaar yeh kya bakwaas hai, kaan band kar lete hain, kehte hain yaar mujhe bas yeh batao mera janne wala jeet raha hai ya nahi jeet raha ya mera pasandeeda banda jeet raha hai ya nahi jeet raha, phir woh jo kare, main khush hoon usse. To woh I think, theek hai, main nahi keh raha, again main yeh nahi keh raha ke aapko yeh nahi hona chahiye, main koi bhashan nahi de raha ke dekhein aise na kiya karein, bande ko samjhein, phir woh karein. Pakistan mein nizam woh nahi hai. Lekin aapka jo pasandeeda banda bhi hai, kam az kam uske jo jo things hain, things that they're claiming they will do, usko to zara samajh lein taake kal ko aap surprise na hon. Acha uske baad phir unhone rural development initiative ke upar bahut detail mein baat ki hai, bahut acchi bahut accha laga mujhe yeh padhkar kyunki ispe unhone Pakistan mein na ek bada masla yeh hai ke humne rural ko bilkul hi chhod diya, jiski wajah se rural uth uth ke saara Lahore, Karachi, Islamabad, Faisalabad in shehron mein aa raha hai. Yeh sheher mega cities ban rahe hain, idhar pollution ho rahi hai, idhar economy inki tabah ho rahi hai, jobs hain koi nahi, lekin log aa rahe hain kyunki rural mein koi development nahi hai. Unhone kaha hai ke ji hum rural ko develop bhi karenge, hum uske urban planning, matlab uski planning jo hai, woh bhi hum karenge infrastructure wali, hum uske andar jo hai woh technology, innovation, health, education in tamam cheezon ke upar kaam karenge, particular ek segment hai on empowering the women and the youth jo ke again rural mein bahut zyada hain, bahut zyada kya hain, matlab ek massive population hai women aur youth ki Pakistan mein. Um jisko seriously nahi liya jata, mujhe bada accha lag raha hai ke har manifesto mein iske upar ab zikr hai, yeh pehle nahi hota tha itna extensively, ab iske upar bahut seriously every party is thinking about it as well. Acha phir uske baad na jo again, number two ya number three pata nahi kaun sa aa chuka hai, but number two jo sabse radical change ab main kahoon ga jiske upar yeh ab aaye hain. Woh yeh hai ke ji yeh keh rahe hain ke hum bureaucratic nizam ko completely overhaul karenge. Woh kis tarah karenge? Woh pehli baat yeh keh rahe hain, woh keh rahe hain ji hum CSS khatam kar denge. Hum CSS se hum random logon ko nahi bharti karenge. Hum specialized tareeqe se specialists ko bharti karenge jaise poori duniya mein hota. Yeh unhone kaha ji ek colonial era tareeqa tha, ek ek aisi duniya ka tha jis time pe specializations nahi hoti thin to aap in mass logon ko bharti karte the, phir unko aahista aahista specialize karte the. Aaj kal ke time ke upar bahut saare aise log hain, zyada tar aise log hain jinki private sector ki specialties exist karti hain aur unko agar government mein bharti kiya jaye, to woh zyada useful hai. To woh yeh keh rahe hain ji pehla to hum CSS khatam karenge. Doosra yeh ke hum saari power jo hai woh elected officials ko denge aur jo AC, DC types jo reh gaye hain, naye to hum bharti nahi kar rahe, jo reh gaye hain, unko hum advisory role mein denge kyunki unka ek experience hai, unko hum farigh nahi kar rahe. To woh apne experience se jo elected naye officials aa rahe hain unko sikhayenge, but unke paas power nahi hogi. Bada yeh difference hai. Aur coordination ka kaam hoga unka between the federal government and the provincial government and the provincial government and the district and tehsil level governments. Aur usi ke sath sath unhone bureaucracy ka yeh bhi kaha hai ke ji hum inki perks and privileges saare khatam karenge aur hum inki tanakhah badhayenge. So hum inki personal privileges jo hain na, jo ke yeh karte kya hain ke yeh kehte hain ke yaar humari to dekho tanakhah to humari ek dedh lakh rupay hai. Bajaye inki tanakhahein badi kam hoti hain aur kam tanakhah ke lekin us kam tanakhah ko lekar woh kehte hain ke dekho ji humare to haalaat bade kharab hain. Meanwhile unko chaar gaadiyan mili hoti hain, che guard mile hote hain, do khansame mile hote hain, office, ghar, daftar, har jagah ke upar ayashiyan lagi hoti hain. To woh jo net cost aa jati hai na, woh millions mein chali jaati hai kyunki inefficiency bhi bahut zyada hoti hai government ke andar. To woh net cost to the exchequer woh millions mein chali jaati hai. Yeh keh rahe hain ke ji kuch bhi nahi milega aapko. Aap us tarah honge jis tarah aap private sector mein hote hain ke ji aapne aana hai naukri pe naukri karein, aake apna kaam dhandha karein aur uske ewaz aapko cash in hand milega, tanhaa hogi, tanhaa achhi hogi, comparative hogi private sector se. Ho sakta hai tanhaa badha ke hum paanch, che, saat lakh kar dein depending on ke number kya banta hai taake hum private sector kyunki woh already yeh keh rahe hain CSS khatam ho jaye. Toh yeh keh rahe hain ke ji hum let's say ek finance ka banda hai, woh choose kar sakta hai ke mujhe bank mein jana hai ya mujhe Government of Pakistan mein jana hai. Toh woh keh rahe hain ke ji hum quality talent ko lekar aayenge lekin kyunki private sector jo hai woh cash in hand ki baat karta hai, woh baith ke aapko yeh nahi de raha hota ke yaar hum teen khansame denge, ek security guard denge, you know, so on and so forth. Phir inhone bureaucracy ke andar inhone uski baat ki hai ke kis tareeqe se hum bahut zyada iske upar detail mein baat ki hai ke hum kis tareeqe se meritocracy recruitment aur promotions mein dalenge, particularly promotions ke andar hum jo hai woh saara ka saara promotions aur increments jo hain na yeh blanket increments nahi hain ke ji 15% raise ho gaya har budget mein. Woh keh rahe hain ke aapka total jo increment hoga aur jo aapki promotion hogi woh entirely dependent hogi ke aapka performance kaisi hai. Agar aapki performance buri hai toh aapko do do saal tak koi increment nahi milega, koi woh nahi milega aur unhone kaha jo best performer hai aur jo average hai uske darmiyan isme number unhone likha hua tha ke pata nahi 200% ka difference hoga in terms of increments and so on and so forth. Toh woh, woh ek poora ek efficiency aur ek meritocracy ka nizam lana chahte hain within the bureaucracy jisko phir woh, jiske through khud se jo nizam hai woh apne aap ko optimize karna shuru kar de. In principle, sounds very appealing. Again, zahir hai ke jab woh implement hoga toh us pe pata lagega. Phir electoral reforms ki baat ki hai, obviously overseas Pakistanis ka vote, yeh, woh, saara jo aapko pata hi hai, woh bhi inko aaj kal masle pade hue hain. Toh woh uska bhi inhone poora ka poora kiya hai ke ji hum kis tareeqe se aisa system karenge ke elections ka jo nizam hai uski, uske upar trust bahaal ho logon ka. Phir badi der baad yeh aaye hain economic reforms ke upar. Baqi jo manifestos hain usme economy number one pe, kyunki woh immediate, most pressing issue hai. Yeh log actually 14th heading hai, baqi peeche bahut saari cheezein guzar chuki hain, us pe yeh economics mein aaye hain. Economics ke andar jo mujhe interesting cheez lagi ke inhone short-term kuch bhi nahi diya. Koi major woh baatein nahi keen. Dus dus saal ka ek plan diya, paanch saal ka, dus saal ka plan diya, usme unhone mote mote bade numbers diye, unhone fiscal responsibility ki baat ki. Unhone privatization ke upar itna zor nahi diya, public-private partnership ke upar zor diya. Toh agar samajhna hai ke difference kya hai aane wale jo main People's Party aur PML-N ka bataunga aapko, toh usme aur isme difference jo ek major nazar aaya mujhe, woh yeh aaya ke yeh log public-private partnership ki baat kar rahe hain. Yeh keh rahe hain government ko apni, apne idare, apni cheezein apne paas rakhni chahiye but usme ek management control jo hai woh private sector ko dena chahiye taake manage woh karein. Woh yeh keh rahe hain ke problem is saari situation mein yeh nahi hai ke government owns an XYZ idara, the problem is that government manages it. Toh ownership poori duniya mein hai, wahan par aap ownership pe dekhte hain ke they're doing good as well. Manage governments nahi kar sakti, they tend to perform poorly. Aur usme phir government ke upar liability aati hai pensions ki, iski, uski. Toh woh yeh keh rahe hain jo PTCL ka model hai, jiske andar aap ek certain amount of management, majority, majority nahi balki ek major chunk of stake aap private sector ko dete hain aur saath aap management unko dete hain aur aap kehte hain ke yaar tum isko chalao aur tum isme profit kamao aur jo profit hai usme tumhari let's say 26% agar stake hai toh 26% profit tumhara, 74% mera. Pension reforms ki inhone baat ki, pension aapko pata hai Pakistan mein ek bahut major problem create hoti ja rahi hai jiske baare mein log itna baat nahi karte. Almost one-third of your entire budget goes into pensions, one way or the other. Toh uski kya reforms hain long-term pe kyunki yeh aahista agar is tarah jis tarah yeh chal raha hai toh yeh toh tabah kar dega Pakistan ko, teen, chaar, paanch saal ki game hai. Toh usko fix karne ki zaroorat hai, KP mein unhone last, last time kiya tha, usi ko yeh main us pe lekar aana chahte hain. Baqi unhone uske upar baat ki hai, koi bahut massive main aisa nahi keh sakta, achhe reforms hain, koi bahut radical nahi hain. Main yeh nahi keh raha ke bahut koi bahut massively achhe reforms nahi hain, achhe reforms hain but koi radical nahi hain. Aisi cheezein hain jo ke subah shaam hum discussion karte rahe hain aur woh hone ki zaroorat hai ke debt ko kis tarah control karna hai, trade and investment ki taraf kaise jana hai, IT ke upar focus kis tarah karna hai, five-year ke targets kya hain. Five-year ke targets main aapko bata deta hoon. Export growth, investment ratio, IT export, job creation, public debt reduction, quality education, technical institutes. Jo achhi cheez hai woh yeh hai ke inko badi clearly yeh baat samajh aa gayi hai ke ji hamara future exports mein hai aur hamara future talent development mein hai. Toh inhone technical institutions ki baat kar rahe hain, quality education ki baat kar rahe hain. Yeh keh rahe hain ke ji hamara jo human capital hai usko hum train karein aur hum usko productive banayein toh yeh ek badi achhi soch hai. Aur saath hi matlab consumption woh wala scene nahi hai ke yaar importers ko humne yes karana hai, humne amnesty, achha haan, amnesty ki maar khaye hue the last time, is baar inhone bola hai ke ji amnestiyon ke raste inhone completely khatam karne hain ke make sure karna hai ke aainda kabhi amnesty na aaye. Toh chalo shukr hai Alhamdulillah ke uska bhi inko khayal aa gaya. At some point economics mein hi inhone uska zikr kiya tha real estate ka. Real estate ko real estate nahi bola inhone, inhone uske andar housing bola aur housing ke andar unhone reforms apne bataye ke hum kya kya karenge aur housing ko kis tareeqe se, woh human development mein aa jata hai. Toh uske upar I'm still, main thoda sa abhi is waqt iffy hoon, I'm not sure ke housing Pakistan ki koi itni koi requirement hai at this point in time, considering balki housing ko toh itna ganda bubble hai jo investment bhi rokta hai, savings bhi rokta hai ke usko toh sabse pehle deflate karna chahiye. Lekin yeh ke uske baare mein bhi inka kuch plans hain. Achha again main isme aapko batata chaloon, isme inhone documentation of economy ki baat ki hai, tax system improvement ki baat ki hai, digitalization ki baat ki hai. Theek hai, achhi cheezein inhone keen hain. Again, real estate ke upar taxes ki achhi baat ki hai inhone, taxes ko real estate ko sahi hona chahiye, DC rates ko set hona chahiye, woh, woh achhi baatein hain. It's a comprehensive, it's a good plan, it's definitely a good plan, nothing radical so I'm not going into that. But for people who are into economics, for people who, who understand Pakistan's economy, I think they should go through it. Phir hum jaate hain economic policy for a sustainable Pakistan, environmental policy for a sustainable Pakistan. Environment ke upar aapko pata hai hamesha se yeh bahut active rahe hain, uske upar yeh further woh ja rahe hain. Ek cheez jo achhi inhone bhi ki hai, People's Party ka bahut major chunk hai environment policy aur climate change policy toh isme yeh dono ke dono ka mujhe at least yeh achhi cheez nazar aayi ke inko yeh khayal aa gaya hai ke aane wali duniya ke andar ek major component of finance mein climate financing hai aur carbon credits hain aur so on and so forth toh woh saara ka saara mention iske andar hai. So that's, that's very good. People's Party wale mein zyada detail mein hai, inka wahi standard hai jo billion tree tsunami hai, Indus Delta ko hum kis tarah fix karenge, Indus Delta ka mention is good, bahut major crisis hai down south jiske baare mein yeh seriously focus kar rahe hain. Energy sector ko inhone bilkul hi separately deal kiya, obviously aapko pata hai ke woh kaafi jagahon par woh economics ke had, mad mein hi aa raha hai lekin actual mein woh ek aisa problem hai jo ke stand-alone Pakistan ko fix karna padega kyunki Pakistan ki saari jo productivity hai woh saari iske upar connected hai. Matlab main is tarah se aapko bata deta hoon ke main jo Dubai mein bijli istemal karta hoon mujhe 28 rupaye ki padti hai jo wahi bijli mujhe Pakistan mein ek unit woh takreeban 65 rupaye ka pad raha hai is waqt Islamabad ke andar. That doesn't make any sense, right? Aur energy is the core component of any product, any produce. So jab aapki energy ka component mehanga hota hai toh automatically aapki product mehangi hoti hai, mehangi hoti hai toh automatically export mein in-comparative ho jata hai. Aur usme phir zahir hai ke agar aapne usko sasta karna hai, subsidize karna hai toh phir aapko woh, woh karna hota hai circular debt mein aap padte hain, woh ek alag ganda cycle hai. Agar aap usko mehanga, agar aap subsidy hata dein, aap logon pe push kar dein toh log phir usko jo hai woh istemal nahi karte, demand gir jati hai, demand gir jati hai peeche production mein capacity payment full pay karni pad rahi hai toh aapko wahan pe bhi hit padti hai. So it's actually a very complicated problem. Pakistan ka energy crisis itne bade gande problem mein hum phanse hain ke usko koi genius hi aayega toh nikalega. In sab ne baat ki hai, inhone detail mein iska bataya hua hai ke yaar hum kya karenge kya nahi karenge, apart from PML-N jiska thoda sa stupid sa mauqif tha, woh main bataunga. Achha khair industry ke upar, industry, IT sector, IT sab, ab sab IT ka dhol baja rahe hain kyunki unko lag raha hai ke yaar finally ab IT hamein bahut saare, jis tarah purane waqton mein hota tha ke yaar Allah kare tel nikal aaye toh hamare paas hummers ki nehre behingi. Ab jo hai woh sab woh jo naya is waqt woh hai, woh, woh IT hai ke IT bas ho jayega aur hum 30 billion pe chale jayenge. Inhone bhi number diya hua hai ke hum agle dus saal mein ya agle paanch saal mein 30 billion pe chale jayenge. It's such a stupid number. I don't know why you know, these people keep on giving it, it is not possible paanch saal mein 30 billion pe jana but chalo khair umeed pe duniya qayam hai. Nonetheless, agriculture policy, recently humne suna ke you know, food security is becoming a major problem, even within PDM government and, and, and the following government usme bhi agriculture ka hua tha. Jo humne following pe baatein suneen, woh mainstream ek conversation aawaz aa gayi hai, woh yeh bhi keh rahe hain, woh baqi bhi keh rahe hain. Blueprint for affordable and sustainable housing, toh iske upar bahut detail mein yeh gaye hain housing ke upar aur yeh keh rahe hain ke ji hum mortgage ko simplify karenge, hum woh kya kehlati hai yaar foreclosure laws ko set karenge, yani ke banks jo hain woh agar aap paise nahi de, de sak rahe, aap paise dena chhod denge toh banks aapka ghar wapas aap se le sakte hain. Affordable home, homes ki inhone baat ki, woh mujhe achha laga. Overall real estate sector ki baat nahi ki. Health card mein wahi sehat, sehat card ko expand aur phir uske baad aur bhi areas ke andar primary healthcare, secondary healthcare, tertiary healthcare usko kis tarah behtar karna hai. Education mein inhone at least yeh bahut achha kiya hai ke inhone bahut seriously liya hai education ko, takreeban dus pages inhone education ko diye hain aur uske andar bahut detail ke andar baat ki hui hai ke aur inhone kaha vision for Pakistan's educational renaissance, toh inhone is cheez ko realize kiya hai ke education jo hai na woh bahut bada masla hai aur usko humne fix karna hai. Woh moti moti qasman, woh kehte hain na, bas randomly aapne bas naara baazi kar di ke education sab ka haq hai, sab ko education denge, woh aisa nahi inhone kiya. Toh usko, uski bahut detail mein gaye hain aur usme again phir inhone empowering women and fostering hands-on learning, us pe bhi unhone women ka kiya hai, teachers ko skills kis tarah deni hai, unhone bada woh bhi kiya hua hai ke first year ki kya priorities hain, phir five-year ka kya plan hai, five years, post five years ke kya hai, within five years kya karenge aur phir post five years kya karenge aur phir higher education mein kya karenge. Toh people who are interested in education, they can go through it, it's a very good plan actually. Jo ek interesting cheez hai woh Pakistan ki foreign policy hai. Foreign policy ke andar PTI ne ek page diya hai, poori foreign policy mein ek page diya hai aur People's Party ki foreign policy mein aaunga, main aapko bataunga unhone bahut detail mein uske baare mein diya hua hai aur inhone na mota mota bas kiya hai ke ji hum jo hai woh achhe achhe rahenge, neutral rahenge, kisi ko tang nahi karenge, kisi se woh nahi karenge, moral compass hoga hamari foreign policy mein hamesha, falsafa diya hai, inhone foreign policy ka sirf falsafa diya hai, inhone koi is cheez pe nahi gaye ke hamare Middle East ke saath kya situation hogi, America ke saath kya situation hogi, China ke saath kya situation hogi kyunki yeh is waqt bahut darmiyan mein khade hain, inko khud nahi samajh aa rahi ke, matlab samajh kya nahi aa rahi inke agar main bahut simply keh sakoon ke is waqt jo vision aur agenda jo PTI ka hai, that is not very well supported by a lot of different actors across the region. And again, I will do a detailed video on this within this week to make you understand. Which is why I, I feel like they have steered clear of taking very clear stances on foreign policy. Unhone falsafa zaroor de diya ke hum believe, hamara belief system kya hai, but woh uski detail mein nahi gaye. Phir uske baad transportation ki ek head hai, usme unhone detail mein bataya hua hai ke yaar transportation ko unhone ek separate kiya hai, logistics, supply chain, rail transportation, road transportation, environmental outlook of such transportation, regional connectivity, rural connectivity, you know, again, interesting stuff, boring for some people, but very important for governance, toh it was nice ke unhone us cheez ko kiya. Pakistan Railway ko kaafi detail mein unhone break down kiya, chaar pages uske upar lagaye. Railway ek bahut bada idara hai, people don't know, unfortunately idara bahut bada hai, money guzzler bhi bahut bada hai lekin woh productivity uski nahi hai. Poori duniya mein railway ek bahut inherent integral cheez hoti hai, hamare yahan na railway jo hai woh unke paas bahut saari zameenein hain, unke paas bahut saara infrastructure hai, karte woh dhed rupaye ka kuch nahi hain. Toh ek interesting cheez jaisa main choti si bata deta hoon iske andar ke unhone kaha hai ke ji hum privatize karenge, hum rail tracks ko, rail tracks hamare honge, but hum uske upar jo hai na woh trains privatize karenge, anyone can come and invest in a train and they can run a route, let's say Multan to Islamabad, Daewoo ki train chal rahi hai, right? So, so that's interesting, a lot of investment from, you know, the private sector for that. Aur phir us pe bhi unhone kiya hua hai ke kyunki rail track jo hai na woh sahi uska jo ek economy nikalti hai, woh nikalti hai from trade. Kyunki abhi jo hai na aap bade bade diesel ke truckon ke upar baith ke bhej rahe hote ho, usme driver hota hai, darmiyan mein accidents hote hain, darmiyan mein time delays hoti hain, toh woh jo cargo hai, woh sasta bhi hota hai, woh efficient bhi hota hai toh woh rail se bada important hai. Toh uske baare mein bhi unhone bola hua hai, but koi itna extensively nahi bola hua but haan that's a area of interest as well. Takreeban inhone paanch pages diye hain, inhone bhi diye hain, People's Party ne bhi diye hain, again achha laga mujhe ke ruling class ko ab is cheez ka ehsaas hona shuru ho gaya hai ke yeh kitni important cheez hai aur kitni serious cheez hai ke population growth aur family planning, toh uske upar bahut detail mein yeh log gaye hain, pehle unhone poora explain kiya hai ke kya kya kya scene hai, religiously kya scene hai, community ka kya scene hai, culturally kya scene hai aur phir unhone kaha hai ke humne kis tarah se isko tackle karna hai. Woh yeh nahi keh rahe ke hum jayenge aur ja ke jo hai ji one-child policy le aayenge, woh keh rahe hain ke hum kis tareeqe se empower karenge logon ko ke woh log jo hain na woh controlled, woh family planning karein aur woh controlled population growth ho. So that is very nice, again that is across the board very nice, all, all parties have talked about that. Discouraging early marriages, also again very nice, ke isme unhone poora ek head diya hua hai ke kis tareeqe se hum usko karenge. Aur bahut matlab main isko explain kar deta hoon ke jo yeh heads hain na, yeh sirf yeh nahi hai ke bas ek liya aur chaar linein likh deen. Ab discouraging early marriages mein unhone kaha hai ke ji hum educational scholarships denge, vocational training opportunities denge, healthcare ke benefits kya hain, employment support denge, community recognition denge, counseling and support service denge, legal protections denge, toh matlab unhone bahut, bahut different facets ke through keh rahe hain ke hum is problem ko tackle karenge. Which is what I liked about the PTI manifesto this time around ke unhone actual mein na, probably jin logon jin jin ministers ne inke in areas mein kaam kiya, unhone seekha, samjha, experience liya, ab unhone jab un cheezon ke baare mein baat ki hai toh woh random nahi hain, woh actual mein bahut depth ke saath unhone uski baat ki hui hai. Toh it's good ke unko is cheez ka ehsaas hai ke yaar jab hum iske andar ghusenge toh yeh kitna complicated hoga, yeh itna aasaan nahi hoga aur usme kya kya areas hain jisko humne cover karna hai naara baazi ke ilawa. Khair phir youth ke upar bahut detail mein baat hui hui hai, town planning strategy ke upar baat hui hui hai, climate change ke upar baat hui hui hai and that is it. Main isko five minutes ki ek final summary deta hoon aur main iske upar khatam karta hoon. Jo ek cheez nazar aa rahi hai PTI ke manifesto se, it's done very quickly, hurriedly hua hai, baqi manifestos toh itne khoobsurat bane hue hain, poora design, font-shont sab kuch, pata lag raha hai ke yahan par ek aisi party hai jo in hiding hai, ek aisi party hai jo ke jinko space nahi mili hui toh aapko kaafi jagahon pe nazar aata hai ke formatting ke issues hain, kuch koi head jo hai woh pata lag raha hai ke is former minister ne bheja economy ka, is former minister ne bheja energy ka, toh woh bas ikatha kiya aur release kar diya. Koi khoobsurat formatting nahi hai, koi khoobsurat jo hai na design nahi hai jo ke generally hallmark tha PTI ka. Toh pata lag raha hai ke shashka-mushka nahi hai iske andar, yeh hard-core ek document hai, ek vision bata rahi hai party ka ke party ka focus kis side ke upar hai. Dusra jo sabse interesting mujhe laga, woh yeh laga ke yeh jo manifesto hai, yeh bahut radical hai aur jo mujhe feeling aa rahi hai reading between the lines, mujhe yeh feeling aa rahi hai ke PTI ko ab kaafi had tak is cheez ka ehsaas hai ke yeh log ab agli government nahi banayenge. Chahe woh keh lein ke realism mein hai, chahe unko pata lag gaya hai, kya scene hai, lekin yeh ke yeh jo manifesto hai na, yeh ek long-term vision hai is party ka aur aane wale waqt mein ab inka focus kya hai, uska yeh long-term vision hai. Yeh short-term ki inhone baatein nahi keen huin, cheezon ko explain kiya hua hai ke hum yeh karenge, woh karenge, woh karenge, but short-term naara baazi nahi ki hui inhone, inhone foundational structural changes ki baat ki hui hai, inhone aisi cheezon ki baat ki hui hai jo ke to be very honest, in set of circumstances mein toh possible hi nahi hain. Yeh isko kab implement karna chahte hain, kab karenge aur kyun unhone is tarah ka likha, mujhe personally lagta hai ke yeh inhone manifesto diya hai 12 se 24 mahine baad ke Pakistan ke liye. Kyun main yeh keh raha hoon, again chaar din baad ek video aayegi, woh aapko bata degi. But yeh hai ke I really like bahut dafa hum yeh baat karte hain, podcast pe bhi humne ki ke structural changes ki requirement hai hamein Pakistan mein, structural changes ki. This document very comprehensively lays out a lot of those structural changes jo ke aap fix kar dein toh jo upar ki jo cosmetics hain jiske upar aapko politician jo hai na woh laga ke rakhte hain hamesha, woh cheezein khud se fix ho jayengi. Warna hota kya hai ke aapko woh upar ki cheezon ke upar laga diya jata hai, woh aap usko temporarily chepiyan laga ke control kar bhi lete ho lekin nizam thoda sa government change hoti hai ya even within the government thoda system aage peeche hota hai aur wahi cheezein saari phir se ho rahi hain. Toh mujhe yeh achha laga ke inhone bahut zyada, thoda complicated hai, aam janta ko yeh nahi samajh aayega, naara baazi isme bilkul bhi nahi hai, shayad inhone yeh samjha ke yaar kyunki hamare paas public support already bahut zyada hai toh hamein naaron ki zaroorat nahi hai toh they utilized this opportunity to go toward, go digger, like dig a little deeper and give a lot of insight on the structural and foundational changes that the country requires, and then they not just understood that but talked about it in a lot of detail. Toh shayad woh boring lage, shayad woh annoying lage lekin agar aap policy mein interested hain, agar aapko aapko politics se beshak koi sarokaar na ho lekin agar aap jo hai woh policy, development sector, in saari cheezon mein hain toh zaroor isko padhiyega. Aapko samajh aayegi ke yeh inka kya vision hai, kis tareeqe se inka kya vision hai ke kis tareeqe se cheezon ko fix kiya ja sakta hai. Woh sahi bhi ho sakta hai, woh galat bhi ho sakta hai. Mujhe personally bahut saari cheezein achhi lageen iske andar. But aap ki kya rai hai, aap kya agree karte hain, nahi agree karte, padhein, padh ke usko jo hai na woh PML-N, People's Party wala aata hai, aake kehta hai, mujhe pata hai kyunki main start PTI se kar raha hoon toh woh aake mujhe gaaliyan dena shuru kar dega ke aapne tareefein ki hain, aap toh hain hi, pat woh kya youthiye hain aap, yeh hain, woh hain. Toh sir mujhe youthiya youthiya bolna band karein. Aapne agar PTI ko bhi bura bhala kehna hai ya agar aapne yeh kehna hai ke yaar main inki tareef kar raha hoon toh main galat hoon toh jayein ja ke manifesto padhein aur manifesto padh ke unki jin cheezon se aapki disagreement hai, un cheezon ki disagreement aake comment section mein likhein. But anyways, 40 minute ke andar andar wrap, finally ek cheez toh maine kar li. Mera target hai ke main isko 30 minutes ke andar andar lekar aaoon is wali jo yeh poora show hai. But anyways, yeh tha PTI ka manifesto. Mujhe personally PTI power mein aati hui nahi nazar aa rahi. Yeh manifesto bhi ek, ek, ek mujhe lagta hai ke ek acknowledgment hai ke hum foran power mein nahi aa rahe aur yeh apne aap ko ready kiya ja raha hai 12 se 24 mahine baad ke Pakistan ke liye jab haalaat mere hisab se bahut different honge. And it's a very, very important, useful document, you should definitely read it, if not for your voting preference, but at least for the understanding of Pakistan, Pakistan's problems and the solutions that might help Pakistan go in a positive direction. But anyways, yeh thi hamari pehli PTI ki, kal hum People's Party ko karenge aur parso hum PML-N ko karenge. Mujhe zaroor batayega agar aapne yeh dekhi hai ke kaisi lagi, kya koi feedback wagera hai aapka, overall show ke baare mein, overall is episode ke baare mein, koi cheez aap khud jaan-na chahte hain, koi thoughts hain aapki toh mujhe niche comment section mein zaroor comment karke batayein. Channel ko please subscribe zaroor kariyega, 70% log jo hain woh channel ko subscribe hi nahi karte, bas woh aise hi view karte hain toh please agar aap dekh rahe hain aur agar aapne subscribe nahi kiya hua toh channel ko zaroor subscribe kar lijiyega aur comment zaroor kara karein, chahe woh achha ho, chahe woh bura ho. Agar bura hai toh negative comment ya critique mein masla nahi hai, gaaliyan na diya karein, badtameezi na kiya karein, achhe se baat kiya karein, ikhlaq toh waise hi yeh sikhata hai, hamein toh yahi sikhaya gaya tha ke chalte phirte sadak pe raahgeer se bhi tameez se baat karni chahiye. Insaan ki jo character hai mere hisab se, woh isi pe aata hai ke woh logon se kis tarah se apna bartao rakhta hai, particularly jin logon ko woh apne se haqeer samajhta hai ya jin logon ko woh niche dekhta hai aur jin logon se uski dushmani hai, us character ko mad-e-nazar rakhte hue agar aap kabhi bhi comment karna chahein, mere pe karein ke chahe kisi aur pe karein, toh critique zaroor kiya karein critical thinking bari achi cheez hai but tameez se kiya karein. Anyways, this was Muzamil Hasan Zaidi. You are watching Dil Ki Baat. Meri dil ki baat, isme waise dil ki zyada baatein nahi hui, isme toh factual baatein hui hain. But anyways, you are watching Dil Ki Baat. Thank you so much for watching and I shall see you tomorrow in the next one.
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