Syed Muzammil Shah

news anchor and television analyst

Compiled from 9 recorded interviews. Every statement below is drawn from the passage cited beside it.

Syed Muzammil Shah is a news anchor and Facebook and YouTube video publisher. He has said he first tried to become a writer, but felt it would not earn him a living. He wrote articles at first, before he began making videos.

Early life and background

Shah was born in Vehari, a small city in South Punjab about 100 kilometres from Multan. His family had left Gujarat for Vehari because law and order had become a serious problem there. His grandfather was the first family member to move to Vehari. [1]

He moved to Lahore around fifth grade, coming from South Punjab to a big city. He says the move was for education, because the south lacked universities and good facilities. His father remained in Vehari because his business was there. [1][8]

He describes his family as lower middle-class and the school he attended in Lahore as an ordinary one. He has said the schools he attended were under-privileged, and that he paid a school fee of 250 rupees. [1][8][9]

He says his school years were very horrible, with abuse and no room for questions. He stood first in class for seven or eight years without studying, because he hated school. He says he threw away the seven or eight school trophies he had won. [1]

His father was initially a reporter for a newspaper and, Shah has said, a journalist for a short while. Shah says he was political from an early age. He names his father as his first major influence and has said his father was the first person he played chess with. [7][8][9]

Education

He has said he was told to study biology at matriculation level and had no interest in it. He began pre-engineering at intermediate level. He has said he does not have a scientific brain, and says he realised he had a social science mind, so hard science was not for him. [1][8]

He has said his family suggested a BBA or an engineering degree, and he refused. He has said history articles on Wikipedia really attracted him. [8]

He studied at a government college, and after school he went to one on Mall Road. He says that by his second semester of mass communication he had concluded that its subject matter had no substance. He has said he moved into mass communication and then returned to political science, which he says he found through self-discovery and not through mass communication. Political science became his main passion. He completed an MPhil at FC College. [1][8][9]

Self-education and reading

He says he learned most of his ideas on his own, having had almost no teachers, and has said he has always been self taught. He has said he thinks universities and colleges teach him little and that institutional education exists mainly to discipline students. [1][8]

A teacher recommended The End of History and the Last Man to him, and he read it. He has said it was his first introduction to philosophy and political science. He has said he read The Murder of History on a train to Karachi, and that reading it made him ashamed of what he had been taught as history. [8]

He has said he reads little fiction and mostly non-fiction, and that he feeds himself mostly facts so that his thinking stays factual. He says he stays away from mass consumption of information and of entertainment. [8][9]

He recommends Sapiens as a book that people should read. He names Freedom at Midnight as one of his favourite books, and also names Beyond Good and Evil among them. [9]

He says western political thought gave him clarity, and that western philosophy gave him room for the personal freedom he identifies with. He says he likes individualism and believes in biological determinism. He says he spent three or four years deciding whether to become a Marxist, and then made a conscious choice. [9]

Career in media

He has said he first tried to become a writer, but felt it would not earn him a living. He wrote articles at first, before he began making videos. [8][9]

He says he came to media for power and power only, and that he sought power in society to survive, having no advantages to begin with. He says he gained social and economic capital through media and moved it onto his social media. [1]

He started news anchoring in 2016. He joined mainstream media without a long-term plan to move to social media at that time. He says that within his first year at mainstream media he saw there was no space for him there, and that in his first three years in media he was told to shout at the top of his voice. [1][9]

He says a senior at a channel told him to learn to stage a spectacle if he wanted to last in the field. He says that after about two and a half years of work he gave up his optimism and became a realist. He says he was thrown out on the first day of a job. He says he said things that went against his organisation's position and accepted that he could lose his job. [1][9]

He says he gave a TED talk in 2012 arguing that digital media would change everything. He says he has spoken at universities on identity and on the two-nation theory. [1][4]

Online videos

He started on Facebook with a personal profile. He says he uploaded a video to his personal Facebook account, not to earn money or to start a channel. The morning after he uploaded the video, it had fifty thousand views. He later set up a YouTube channel after he had built a Facebook page, and has said people urged him to start a YouTube channel and that he then moved to YouTube. [8][9]

He has said he had no interest in making videos, which he saw as a non-serious medium. He has said his online work was driven by passion and vision, that he was not after money, and that he does not see himself as a content creator racing for frequency and money. He has said his driving force was never to post videos for money. [8]

He has said he wanted to maintain a balance of power in Pakistani discourse. He has said he set out to cater to a liberal audience and has tried to speak for people in the periphery. He has said he feels he has challenged authority, which is what he is supposed to do, and that he wants people to empower themselves rather than follow him. [8]

He has said he has no financial benchmark, career goal or long-term media plan. He has said he holds live question and answer sessions on Instagram, and that he watches his own uploaded videos himself. He says YouTube deleted one of the videos he made. He says students come to him, and he tells them to do something for themselves first. [8][9]

After visiting Gilgit, he wrote a Facebook post asking why there was no internet there. He says he accepted the risk of speaking out, because one has to take certain risks, and that he was willing to pay the price for speaking out. [9]

He says he has supported the Pashtun movement in Pakistan. He has made a video about Osama bin Laden. He says he has been beaten for making these statements, and that shots were fired at homes where he lived in Pakistan. He says he has attended court hearings in a case and later won it. [4]

Personal life

He says he was isolated for much of his life and had no public life or recognition until about 26 or 27, and that he was a very under-confident person even at that stage. He says he always had a drive to be recognised. He says he believes suffering is essential to learning, and has said he lived an isolated life that involved suffering. [1][8]

He has said he criticises himself most harshly, is always unsatisfied with himself, has never been an optimist, and has always hated defeat. [8]

He has said he was on his university badminton team. He says he sees things through a realistic lens. He says his end goal is maximising his own potential without posing as a messiah. [1][7][8]

Views on media and television

He calls the term infotainment an absurd term. He argues that media funded by TRP ratings will keep selling audiences superficial content, and says mass audiences go for superficial content because they lack objective reasoning skills. He says news language is written for the lowest common denominator and that media people are more showmen than actual critical thinkers. [1]

He says TV presenting needs no learning, only clear communication and an ornamental presence, and that he plays dumb on TV because the format leaves no other option. He says the psychology of television is that the picture wins over language, which he attributes to Neil Postman. He says credibility replaces reality on television, so that anyone who looks credible on camera is seen as true, even while lying. [1]

He says media operate under the umbrella of the state and that large business tycoons usually start media channels. He has said many big business tycoons open a channel to cover their own business, and says a channel owner is a businessman, so staff protect the owner's interests. He says business tycoons moved into Pakistani media and whitened black money, and that the private media industry has factories for turning black money into white. [1][7][8][9]

He suggests the media model could change to subscriptions, as the BBC has. He says 100 rupees a month from each bill goes to PTV and that each government turns PTV into its mouthpiece. He says a publicly run but independent broadcaster could be a potential model, and has said he does not see a special future for mainstream media. [1][8]

He says television is not a serious medium, so there is little space for truth on it, and that digital media and television are biased against objectivity and rationalism. He says listening to something is inferior to reading it, because reading is a consistent train of thought. He says journalism has little insight, because reporting day-to-day matters is its main task, and that reporters often see an event without knowing its historical context. [9]

He says an analyst's job is to explain events that have already happened, and that prediction-based analysis is mostly fraud. He says it is very difficult to forecast Pakistan's future as an analyst of the past, and that predicting Pakistani politics is the greatest foolishness. He says the way to become thoughtful and articulate is to consume more material. [1][7][9]

Political views

He says he was a voter of Imran Khan and was impressed by him in 2013. He says he will still vote for Imran Khan, and that he greatly appreciates him and calls him the most successful man in a personal capacity. He says exports grew for the first time in ten years under PTI's tenure. [1]

He believes real change in Pakistan is not possible without a non-parliamentary struggle, and says running in parliamentary politics amounts to being a clerk of the establishment. He says a politician must seek power to make change, unlike an activist, and that effectiveness is the only benchmark in politics. He says he follows a Machiavellian principle in politics and that politicians should never appease the right or those who use religious sentiment. [1]

He has said politics is an art of effectiveness. He says morality does not help in politics, and calls this a Machiavellian idea that is true. He says a moral action he took did not work, and that taught him consequentialism. He says change is only possible through hyper criticism of whatever is happening, and thinks change may begin after 2050 and not in his lifetime. [1][8][9]

He says he is not a leftist. He says Jamaat-e-Islami is not a populist party to him, and defines populism as offering simplistic solutions that glamorise the past, not as holding a conservative position. He attributes the rise of populism partly to postmodern ideas that spread in the West, which he says made people treat reason and its lack as the same, and science and non-science as one. He says a consistent body of knowledge in human history is science, and that leaders such as Trump, Bolsonaro, Modi and Khan rose because they offer simpler ideas. [1]

He says the state exists for the lives of its citizens, and that a school is always a space for secular education. He argues that a science textbook should present science, not religion, when students open physics, chemistry or biology. He says the basic problem is that the state has taken on the job of spreading religion, and that the state's religious interpretation taught in madrasas has ruined Pashtun lives. [1]

He says that in Operation Searchlight the first people taken were professors, and that the biggest enemy of such states is the intellectual with a pen or mic, not the gunman. He says Pakistan needs a philosophical change before a political change, that ideas that do not work should be thrown out, and that a nation must first be told where it came from and where it is going. He says consistency is missing among most thought leaders, and that the change in him over time is that he has begun to empathise with other parties. [1]

He says many people think secularism is the same as atheism, and that this is not so. He says it is clear that Pakistan was meant to be a secular state, and has said the state should follow a secular model. He cites Kemal Ataturk as an example of a constitution that kept religion out of state activity. He says secularism has no place in Pakistan's political spectrum or media landscape, and has said Pakistan needs secularisation, liberalisation and democratisation of society and government. [2][7][8][9]

He describes a constitution as the manifestation of a social contract, and says Pakistan's disintegration is linked to the constitution being mocked. He says Pakistan has made more constitutional amendments in seventy years than the United States made in 250. He says the constitution holds that democracy is not legitimate without local government, and has said democracy has not existed in Pakistan since the start. He has said the institution makes the man, not the other way round, and says Pakistan lacks consistency and institutional clarity. [7][8][9]

He says a fair election is not possible without a level playing field beforehand. He says ballot papers should include a none-of-the-above section, and that he supports a boycott movement as far as elections are concerned. He has said the ballot is the only way to remove an elected leader. He describes democracy as the tyranny of the majority, not a concept fallen from the sky, and says democracy begins when the family structure breaks down. He thinks politics in Pakistan is impossible without an Islamic touch. [2][7][9]

He has said the Supreme Court has become an arena for politics and that institutions like NAB should be abolished. He has said Pakistan's political discourse is at the level of schoolchildren insulting each other. He says people listen only to reply, not to understand. [2][7]

He says the Pakistani left lives in a utopia and looks to him like a dogmatic movement, and that parts of the left have narrowed to a few issues and lost their broader appeal. He says the recent form of liberalism includes a negation of rationality, and that there should be liberalism with Pakistani characteristics. He says he does not fully agree with the cancel culture movement. [7][9]

Views on India and the economy

He has said Pakistan's foundation principle is to stay in a state of cold war with India, and that Pakistan's economy was growing faster than India's until the 1980s. He has said Pakistan became dependent on foreign aid, comparing it to an opium addiction. He has said South Korea borrowed 15 billion dollars from America in the 1950s and built its own industry, while Pakistan took 40 billion dollars at that stage and built nothing with it. He has said Pakistan did not build universities or political institutions. [2]

He has said Pakistan has no unicorn company and that India has 113 unicorn companies. He has said a company once expected to become Pakistan's first unicorn closed and went bankrupt. He has said heavy regulation in the local market makes businesses depend on the state, and that people check whether a location is unstable before buying a plot of land. [2]

He has said economic sovereignty now matters more than border security, and that a country cannot function if it cannot finance its public institutions. He has said owning nuclear weapons does not feed people. He has said the 1991 reforms under Manmohan Singh brought market liberalisation and globalisation to India, and that foreign direct investment in India rose 316 percent over the following thirteen years. [2]

He has said the main difference between Pakistan and India is political instability, and that Pakistan can only face ruin while political instability continues. He has said the lesson from India's democracy is to let it run. He says India looks strong economically but is not very good on civil liberties, and that China is not an open society. He has said the last chance to formally engage India was when Vajpayee was invited to Lahore, and that Pakistan could gain from India through economic competition rather than war. [2][9]

He has said climate change could take 20 percent of Pakistan's GDP growth by 2050, and that recent floods caused losses of 30 billion dollars in Pakistan. He has said no party is discussing how much the floods cost or how to build water storage. He has said Pakistan has to repay the IMF within five to six months, and that OIC statements on Israel's foreign policy make no difference. [2]

He has said Pakistan has been in default since the start, and says that for Pakistan, default was a normal state. He says economic models are not his area of expertise. He says Pakistan is like a warrior who attacks himself in times of peace, and that the perceived threat in Pakistan is far greater than the actual threat. He says life in Pakistan is nasty, brutish, short and solitary. [7][8][9]

Views on history

He says the state narrative dates the founding of Pakistan to 712, when Muhammad bin Qasim ruled Sindh. He says Muhammad bin Qasim was known as the first citizen, a name many Pakistanis studied. He says many who came from outside to plunder and enforce slavery were saluted, that Pakistan still does not own its soil and celebrates these invaders, and that many in Pakistan still enjoy saluting what he calls the invader mentality. [3]

He says these narratives have become part of people's subconscious. He says history was turned into ideology so that people forgot the difference between fact and fiction. He asks where the popular Muhammad bin Qasim story comes from and what record and evidence support it. He says the earliest surviving historical record on this subject dates from 1216, with a gap of 500 years between the events and the oral tradition, and that this account comes from the victors. [3]

He says two earlier expeditions had failed, and that Arab trade and economic interests were the biggest issue. He says the siege of the Kaaba lasted seven years. He says there is no historical record for the age of 17 attributed to Muhammad bin Qasim and that he had no military experience. He says a book he cites states that Muhammad bin Qasim laid the foundation of Pakistan and, according to the books he cites, the state had Muhammad bin Qasim killed the next year. [3]

He says Muslim historians of that period in India further exaggerated the story, and that some writers began a narrative that Raja Dahir's rule was only oppression before Muhammad bin Qasim. He says a savior complex, in which an outsider saves everyone, is part of Pakistani psychology. He says the British later used this narrative to justify invasion, and wrote that local Muslim rulers were barbaric when the East India Company arrived. He says the story begins with rescuing a woman and ends with choosing one of Raja Dahir's two daughters. [3]

He says romanticism spread when history was taught as literature, and that the state turned one school of thought within the ideology into its official narrative. He says states act as rational actors, not ideological ones. He describes a colonial empire as one that comes from outside, suppresses local culture, extracts wealth and writes history itself. He says the rule from 695 to 712 revived Sanskrit in Sindh, that the royal court became a hub for scholars, philosophers and literature teachers, that work was done under that rule to promote Sindhi literature, and that monuments, cultural centres, schools and universities were built under it. [3]

He describes history as a bed of lies that most people agree on, and says Pakistani children taught this history have fallen into an identity crisis. He says such stories justify authoritarian rule, and that a story of a ruler fighting for the truth gives justification to military rule. He says the problem in Pakistani psychology is seeing one man as a messiah and saviour. He says people happily call those who promote war the best humans, and insult those who speak of culture, philosophy and intellect. He says those who fought for Bengal were sidelined while outsiders were placed above them, and that people become empowered only by facing hard truths, not by escaping through lies. [3]

He says the subcontinent's dilemma has always been a lack of internal unity, which led to disintegration. He says readers should also read what Sindhi writers say about their own history, and that the sources he cites can be checked against his account. [3]

Views on the 1965 war

He says the claim that Ayub Khan alone started the 1965 war is wrong. He says Ayub Khan was not an adventurous military dictator and was suspicious of the entire plan. He says Bhutto showed no limit to his war jingoism, and that Bhutto, whom many regard as a great democrat, proved to be one of the war's villains. He says Bhutto fabricated intelligence reports. [5]

He says Operation Gibraltar is part of Pakistan's history that is not taught to children, and states that it was planned in self-glory, not in national interest. He says the Pakistani planners thought the Indian army was very weak, and they were wrong. He says local people began reporting the infiltrators to Indian authorities, and that the war was purely ideologically motivated. He says Pakistan named its task forces after the invaders who had plundered India. [5]

He says the Pakistan Air Force fought very bravely and brilliantly, and that the Pakistani army fought with complete bravery. He says India was in a position to take Lahore when the ceasefire was called, and that the war reached an absolute stalemate by that point. He concludes that neither side won the 1965 war, and that Pakistan started it and it was not imposed on Pakistan. [5]

He says the 1965 war began Pakistan's decline and stopped Pakistan's economic growth. He says Pakistan began to think in military terms after the war. He says the war cost Pakistan six thousand lives and gained nothing, and that the people who caused six thousand Pakistanis to die faced no accountability. He says decisions made without asking the people's elected representatives will always lead to this result. [5]

He says an offer of help to prolong the war was made to Ayub Khan, and Ayub Khan refused. He says Ayub Khan made a secret flight to China on 19 September, and that the Tashkent declaration was signed on 10 January 1966. He says Bhutto told the public, after the agreement was signed, that Ayub Khan had sold out the country. He cites a historian as saying the war ended in what happened to be a draw, and a report saying that both sides lost heavily in men and material. [5]

Views on security and regional politics

He says Pakistan itself has stated the mistakes of its state, and asks why Pakistan cannot say on camera when it is at fault. He says he has acknowledged in his videos that Pakistan trained mujahideen in Afghanistan, and that Pakistan sent Stinger missiles that helped push Russia out of Afghanistan. He says every country has the right to self-defence, and that a breach of a country's sovereignty leads to war. [4]

He says both states have always treated Kashmiris as collateral damage, that civilians were killed by both sides, and that Pakistani fire has also killed Indian civilians in Poonch. He says he argued that both countries should de-escalate. He says the claim about nuclear radiation there is completely false, and that other countries would detect radioactivity, since technology to measure it exists. [4]

He says the Kirana Hills claim is completely false, and that Pakistan's electronic-warfare leverage was one of the major reasons for the pushback. He says no independent observer accepts that the war was one-sided and that blacklisting Pakistan would make it more radical. He says he speaks about peace and people-to-people contact, and that he always substantiates his case rationally. [4]

He says Pakistan's policy in Afghanistan has failed utterly, and that no Afghan woman among the refugees should be sent to Afghanistan. He says singling out one ethnic group's crime data is profiling. He says the deportation timeline should have been at least six months and should have involved government-level negotiation. He says the aim of the policy was to pressure the Afghan Taliban into acting against the TTP, and that the TTP has grown from about 8,000 fighters to between 10,000 and 11,000. [7]

He says about 90 percent of the fallout from the Taliban falls on the northern border, and that he has not seen Taliban recruitment happening in Lahore. He says people in the tribal areas have no right to a lawyer, an appeal, or an argument. He says that in tribal societies people act as groups, and individuals hardly exist. [7][9]

He says ordinary Baloch people are not allowed to reach positions of power, and that the state began funding tribal sardars. He says a majority of Balochistan still falls under the security forces. He says the situation in Balochistan has got worse, though it has been like this from the start, and that the exploitation model there cannot work under home rule. He says Karachi's mayor governs only 40 percent of Karachi. [7][9]

Views on society and thought

He says the approach to truth in his society is dogmatic, and that the main problem is the absence of a reformation like the one in Christianity. He says the phrase 'ideology of Pakistan' only became popular in the 1980s, and that Pakistan lacks historical clarity. [7][9]

He says truth has become subjective in a post-truth society, and that states do not accept truth, because truth deconstructs their narrative. He says social media is a panopticon, and that it is doing in Pakistan what the printing press did in Europe. He says political insight has declined as attention spans have shrunk. He says that in this particular age, clarity is power, and describes Gen Z as entertainment-driven people. [9]

He cites a book titled Origins of Totalitarianism on populist movements, and cites a book as saying that the masses have never thirsted for truth. He says Chomsky made the point about distraction in a book called Manufacturing Consent. He says people like him are massively outnumbered in the public debate. He calls the kind of positive psychology he criticises toxic positivity, and has said the harm of toxic positivity is much greater than the harm of negative thinking. [8][9]

He says the urban class in Pakistan is very two-faced. He says he judges leadership by whether the leader is more intelligent than he is. He says cricket works very well for the state, and that he loves cricket but dislikes how the state uses it. He says he gets infuriated when people ask him whom they should vote for. [7][9]

He says he is not an ultimate authority, that listeners should investigate and think for themselves, and tells viewers to double-check things if they disagree with him. He says pessimism works better in life than optimism. [7][9]

Timeline

2012: Gave a TED talk arguing that digital media would change everything.[1]
2013: Was impressed by Imran Khan and voted for him.[1]
2016: Began news anchoring.[1]

Appearances

Date	Title	Where
2022-12-09	Syed Muzammil Shah: I Came to Media for Power, Not Truth	Thought Behind Things
2024-02-25	India’s Tata Bigger Than Pakistan \| Pakistan’s Economic Decline \| Syed Muzammil Official	Syed Muzammil Official
2024-10-28	Muhammad Bin Qasim Exposed \| Raja Dahir & India’s Invasion \| Syed Muzammil Official	Syed Muzammil Official
2025-05-14	Dhruv Rathee Exposed \| Kirana Hills News Debunked \| Syed Muzammil Official	Syed Muzammil Official
2024-09-05	Who Started the 1965 Indo Pak War? \| The Untold Truth \| Syed Muzammil	Syed Muzammil Official
2024-05-02	What Happened in Abbotabad Compound? \| 2nd May 2011 & US Pak Relations \| Syed Muzammil Official	Syed Muzammil Official
	Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, 9th May, TTP and Afghan Refugees - Syed Muzammil Shah - #TPE 307	The Pakistan Experience
	Dark Side Of Mainstream Media And Politics In Pakistan - Syed Muzammil Shah \| NSP #148	Naeem Sikandar
2023-04-09	Dissecting Pakistani Politics ft. Syed Muzammil Shah \| Junaid Akram's Podcast #150	Junaid Akram

Frequently asked questions

Where did Syed Muzammil Shah study?

Syed Muzammil Shah went to a government college on Mall Road after school and completed an MPhil at FC College. He has said he moved into mass communication and then returned to political science. He says he learned most of his ideas on his own.[1][8]

Where is Syed Muzammil Shah from?

Syed Muzammil Shah was born in Vehari, a small city in South Punjab about 100 kilometres from Multan. His family had left Gujarat for Vehari, and he moved to Lahore around fifth grade.[1]

When did Syed Muzammil Shah start news anchoring?

Syed Muzammil Shah started news anchoring in 2016. He says he joined mainstream media without a long-term plan to move to social media at that time.[1][9]

How did Syed Muzammil Shah start making videos?

Syed Muzammil Shah says he uploaded a video to his personal Facebook account, not to earn money or to start a channel. The morning after he uploaded it, the video had fifty thousand views. He later set up a YouTube channel after he had built a Facebook page.[9]

What does Syed Muzammil Shah say about Pakistani media?

Syed Muzammil Shah says media operate under the umbrella of the state and that large business tycoons usually start media channels. He argues that media funded by TRP ratings will keep selling audiences superficial content. He has said Pakistani media does not debate its own issues.[1][7][8]

Who influenced Syed Muzammil Shah?

Syed Muzammil Shah names his father as his first major influence. His father was initially a reporter for a newspaper. A teacher recommended The End of History and the Last Man to him, which he has said was his first introduction to philosophy and political science.[7][8][9]

References

Syed Muzammil Shah: I Came to Media for Power, Not Truth . Thought Behind Things , 2022-12-09.
India’s Tata Bigger Than Pakistan | Pakistan’s Economic Decline | Syed Muzammil Official . Syed Muzammil Official , 2024-02-25.
Muhammad Bin Qasim Exposed | Raja Dahir & India’s Invasion | Syed Muzammil Official . Syed Muzammil Official , 2024-10-28.
Dhruv Rathee Exposed | Kirana Hills News Debunked | Syed Muzammil Official . Syed Muzammil Official , 2025-05-14.
Who Started the 1965 Indo Pak War? | The Untold Truth | Syed Muzammil . Syed Muzammil Official , 2024-09-05.
What Happened in Abbotabad Compound? | 2nd May 2011 & US Pak Relations | Syed Muzammil Official . Syed Muzammil Official , 2024-05-02.
Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, 9th May, TTP and Afghan Refugees - Syed Muzammil Shah - #TPE 307 . The Pakistan Experience .
Dark Side Of Mainstream Media And Politics In Pakistan - Syed Muzammil Shah | NSP #148 . Naeem Sikandar .
Dissecting Pakistani Politics ft. Syed Muzammil Shah | Junaid Akram's Podcast #150 . Junaid Akram , 2023-04-09.

Show the source passages (392 statements)

He was born in Vehari, a small city in South Punjab about 100 kilometres from Multan. Well, initially I was born in Vehari, yeh toh kaafi baar uh bataya logon ko. It's a small city in South Punjab, 100 kilometers from Multan actually.
His family left Gujarat for Vehari because law and order had become a serious problem there. woh Gujarat se wahan migrate ki thi. Kyunki law and order kaafi problem kar raha tha Gujarat ke andar us time pe
His grandfather was the first family member to move to Vehari. So, my grandfather was the first person to migrate to Vehari.
He moved to Lahore around fifth grade. Toh uske baad bas phir uh takreeban fifth standard mein main Lahore aa gaya.
His father remained in Vehari because his business was there. But my father was still there, kyunke woh business jo tha woh wahan par tha, toh he could never move there.
He says he moved to Lahore for education, because the south lacked universities and good facilities. But education ki purpose jo thi woh basic uh motivation thi yahan aane ki because wahan par woh facilities nahi thi, universities nahi thi.
He describes his family as lower middle-class and his school as an ordinary one in an area of Lahore. Because I belong to a lower middle-class family, toh aam sa school tha idhar Mughalpura ke ilaqe mein, wahan jaate the.
He says his school years were very horrible, with abuse and no room for questions. So the experience in the school was very horrible and uh there used to be abuse and stuff and you know they they won't entertain questions.
He says he stood first in class for seven or eight years without studying, because he hated school. I used to stand first uh for like seven, eight years straight without even studying because I hated that.
He says he threw away the seven or eight school trophies he had won. So I even discarded all of my trophies that I won in school. Seven, eight trophies, I had discarded all of them.
After school he went to a government college on Mall Road. Aur uh uske baad mein phir Mall Road college chale gaye, woh bhi government college tha
He says that by his second semester of mass communication he had concluded that its subject matter had no substance. Masscom mein main jab dusre semester mein pahuncha toh mujhe idea ho gaya ke subject matter kuch bhi nahi hai.
He says he realised he had a social science mind, so hard science was not for him. So fortunately uh us time samajh aa gayi ke no, I have a social science brain.
He completed an MPhil at FC College. phir uske baad mein FC college se MPhil kiya
He says he found political science, not mass communication, through self-discovery. So pol-sci was the actual thing jo mujhe self-discovery se maloom hui ke main isme interested hun.
He says he learned most of his ideas on his own, having had almost no teachers. Because uh all of the ideas that I affirm and say are all self-taught. I mean, I almost had no teachers.
He says he was isolated for much of his life and had no public life or recognition until about 26 or 27. I was isolated for a greater part of my life. At least till 26, 27, I had no public life, no recognition whatsoever.
He says he was a very under-confident person even at that stage. Well, I was a very under-confident person even at that stage.
He says he always had a drive to be recognised. I mean, I always had the proclivity to be recognized.
He says he believes suffering is essential to learning. I think suffering is essential to learning.
He started news anchoring in 2016. 2016 mein maine news anchoring ka aaghaz kiya
He says he came to media for power and power only. Toh for that I hunted for power and I came to media for power and power only.
He says he sought power in society to survive, having no advantages to begin with. some power in the society to survive, otherwise I'll be crushed by the elite. I had no advantages to begin with.
He says he gained social and economic capital through media and moved it onto his social media. media ke through jo maine capital jo hai woh saara attain kiya, chahe woh social ho ya economic ho, usko maine transform kiya apne social media pe
He says a moral action he took did not work, and that taught him consequentialism. I have done a completely moralistic action. Didn't work. So, what does that teach me? Consequentialism.
He says he was thrown out on the first day of a job. Toh maine naukri ke pehle din jaake usko keh diya, usne mujhe laat maar ke nikal diya.
He says he said things that went against his organisation's position and accepted that he could lose his job. kyunke maine baat hi woh kar di jo mere idaray ke khilaf hai. Har kisi ne kaha naukri chali jayegi, maine kaha chali jaye.
He says that, excluding intros and outros, he has about six minutes per guest on TV. Maine pehle bhi ek average nikali thi ke agar mere intro extro ko aap minus kar dein, per guest mere paas 6 minute hain.
He says he has his own show, which runs 32 minutes. Mera apna show 32 minutes ka hai.
He says he gave a TED talk in 2012 arguing that digital media would change everything. Meri 2012 ki ek TED talk hai jisne kaha ke digital media ke upar you know we are going to change everything.
He says in his first three years in media he was told to shout at the top of his voice. Pehle 3 saal media mein maine yeh face kiya ke cheekho. You have to shout at the top of your voice.
He says it is very difficult to forecast Pakistan's future as an analyst of the past. it's very difficult to kind of give an image of the future for somebody who's an analyst of the past.
He calls the term infotainment an absurd term. jo ke ek main hamesha kehta hoon absurd term hai
He argues that media funded by TRP ratings will keep selling audiences superficial content. jo TRP pe base karta hai, jo ke directly linked hai public ki attention se, so it will always be selling them BS
He says mass audiences go for superficial content because they lack objective reasoning skills. mass will always go to superficiality because they lack that objective reasoning skill.
He says news language is written for the lowest common denominator. Even news language jo likhi jaati hai, lowest common common denominator ko dekh ke likhi jaati hai.
He says media people are more showmen than actual critical thinkers. It's most more showman than actual critical thinkers.
He says TV presenting needs no learning, only clear communication and an ornamental presence. is kaam ke liye padhne likhne ki koi zaroorat nahi hai. Not at all. You just have to be clear in your communication and you have an ornamental value.
He says the psychology of television is that the picture wins over language, which he attributes to Neil Postman. jo main bahut quote bhi karta hun Neil Postman ko ke jo picture hai woh it actually won.
He says credibility replaces reality on television. Toh credibility replaces reality.
He says anyone who looks credible on camera is seen as true, even while lying. If I am looking credible on this camera, chahe main jhoot bhi bol raha hoon lekin lag raha hai main sach bol raha hoon, so I am true.
He says business tycoons moved into Pakistani media and whitened black money. Pakistan mein kya hai ke saare business tycoons yahan jump kar gaye. Black money white kar li, number one.
He suggests the media model could change to subscriptions, as the BBC has. Toh iska model agar tabdeel ho, jaise BBC ka hai, ke subscription model hai
He says 100 rupees a month from each bill goes to PTV. Hamare bill ke andar 100 rupaya PTV ko har mahine jaata hai
He says each government turns PTV into its mouthpiece. PTV ko apna ghar ka jo hai na woh mouthpiece bana leti hai
He says a publicly run but independent broadcaster could be a potential model. Uh I think that could be a potential model. Again, the public run but independent
He says he plays dumb on TV because the format leaves no other option. I play dumb there because because you can't do anything else there.
He says he is not a leftist. I am no fan of left. I am not a leftist.
He says Jamaat-e-Islami is not a populist party to him. For instance, Jamaat-e-Islami is not a populist party to me.
He defines populism as offering simplistic solutions that glamorise the past, not as holding a conservative position. Populism jo hai woh conservative position lene ka naam nahi hai. Woh yeh hai ki simplistic solution do, jo ki glamorize karein ek past ko
He attributes the rise of populism partly to postmodern ideas that spread in the West. Well, basically uh the secret is in is in the prevalence of postmodern ideas jo ke west mein banna shuru ho gaye.
He says postmodernism made people treat reason and its lack as the same, and science and non-science as one. lack of reason and reason are equated. Woh ek hi cheez hai. Science and non-science ek hi cheez hai.
He says a consistent body of knowledge in human history is science. Kyunki ek consistent body of knowledge human history mein sirf ek hai, woh science hai.
He says leaders such as Trump, Bolsonaro, Modi and Khan rose because they offer simpler ideas. Donald Trump aa gaya, Bolsonaro aa gaya, Modi aa gaya, Khan sahab aa gaye aur woh isliye ho gaya ke woh unke paas bahut simpler ideas hain.
He says the state exists for the lives of its citizens. Toh baat yahi hai ki ek state apne shehri ki zindagi ke liye hoti hai.
He says a school is always a space for secular education. School hamesha ek secular education ka ek realm hai.
He argues that a science textbook should present science, not religion, when students open physics, chemistry or biology. Main yeh keh raha hoon ke secular education mein jo amalgamation hoti hai na, ek science ki kitaab mein agar aap physics, chemistry, biology kholte hain to saamne aapko science nazar aani chahiye na.
He says the basic problem is that the state has taken on the job of spreading religion. The basic problem is that the state has taken the responsibility of you know this dissemination of religion.
He says the state's religious interpretation taught in madrasas has ruined Pashtun lives. Hamara ikhtilaf yeh hai ke aapne jo interpretation karke madaris ke bachon ko di, pashtunon ki zindagi barbad kar di aapne.
He says that in Operation Searchlight the first people taken were professors. To operation searchlight jo pehla hua usmein aapne professor uthaye sirf
He says the biggest enemy of such states is the intellectual with a pen or mic, not the gunman. woh bandook wala nahi hota. Woh hostile banda nahi hota, woh woh hota hai jiske haath mein pen hota hai ya mic hota hai
He believes real change in Pakistan is not possible without a non-parliamentary struggle. Pakistan mein main samajhta hoon ke agar koi bhi change le ke aana hai toh ek non-parliamentary struggle ke baghair mumkin nahi hai.
He says running in parliamentary politics amounts to being a clerk of the establishment. You are running for a clerk of the establishment basically.
He says a politician must seek power to make change, unlike an activist. The politician is saying that I need to come to power because I need to make that change.
He says effectiveness is the only benchmark in politics. Effectiveness is the only benchmark in politics.
He says he follows a Machiavellian principle in politics. It's a Machiavellian principle that I follow.
He says politicians should never appease the right or those who use religious sentiment. Never appease the right. Never appease the people who indulge in this religious sentiment of politics
He says his end goal is maximising his own potential without posing as a messiah. the end goal is a maximization of my own potential without fooling people to believe that I'm a Messiah.
He says Pakistan needs a philosophical change before a political change. So there has to be a philosophical change and then there comes the the political change here.
He says ideas that do not work should be thrown out. Ideas which are not working should be thrown out.
He says a nation must first be told where it came from and where it is going. To pehle to past lautayein hamari qaum ko uska. Use batayein ke aap aaye kahan se hain, jaana kahan pe hai.
He says consistency is missing among most thought leaders. I think consistency missing rahi hai mujhe for most people, for most thought leaders
He says the change in him over time is that he has begun to empathise with other parties. The change that has the change that has happened over time is that I have started to empathize with the other parties.
He says he was a voter of Imran Khan and was impressed by him in 2013. I was a voter of Imran Khan. Yeah. I was impressed in 2013 as well.
He says he will still vote for Imran Khan. I was for for the longest time and I'll still vote for Imran Khan, I'll tell you why.
He says he greatly appreciates Imran Khan and calls him the most successful man in a personal capacity. Imran Khan is somebody who I massively appreciate, jis tarah maine kaha ke in a in a personal capacity, he is the most successful man.
He says exports grew for the first time in ten years under PTI's tenure. exports for the first time in the last 10 years PTI ke tenure mein grow ki.
He has said Pakistan's foundation principle is to stay in a state of cold war with India. Iski foundation ka principle hi basically yah hai ki hamne hindustaan se ek state of cold war mein rahna hai aur unse dost hi nahin ho sakti.
He has said Pakistan's economy was growing faster than India's until the 1980s. Yaani ki Pakistan hindustaan se aage ja raha tha 80's tak.
He has said Pakistan became dependent on foreign aid, comparing it to an opium addiction. Pakistan ki misaal us opium soonghane vaale jaisi ho chuki hai, jo is nashe par lag chuka hai jis nashe ka naam hai baroni imdaad
He has said South Korea borrowed 15 billion dollars from America in the 1950s and built its own industry. jisne unnis sau pachaas ki dai mein pandrah arab dollar America se lie the. Lekin usse unhonne apni indigenous industry build kar li.
He has said Pakistan took 40 billion dollars at that stage and built nothing with it. Us stage par 40 billion dollars liya tha. Yaani ki takriban double se bhi zyaada paise South Korea se Pakistan ne buy kie lekin banaaya kya kuchh bhi nahin.
He has said Pakistan did not build universities or political institutions. na hamne universities banai, na hamne institutional development ki, na hamne political institutions ko behtar kiya
He has said Pakistan has no unicorn company. Pakistan ke paas is stage ke oopar koi ek bhi unicorn firm nahin hai.
He has said India has 113 unicorn companies. Hindustaan mein is vakt ek sau terah unicorn companies hain
He has said a company once expected to become Pakistan's first unicorn closed and went bankrupt. Pakistan ke andar airlift aisi company thi recent history ke andar do hazaar bais mein kaha ja raha tha ki yah pahla unicorn banega, band ho gai bankrupt ho gai.
He has said heavy regulation in the local market makes businesses depend on the state. Uski vajah yah hai ki local market mein regulation itni zyaada hai, hukoomat ke oopar dependence is nauiyat ki hai ki har kisi ko khilae bagair to aap chal nahin sakte.
He has said people check whether a location is unstable before buying a plot of land. Agar paanch bharle ka plot bhi lena ho na to ham jaakar pahle yah search karte hain ki jis jagah par le rahe hain vahaan par instability to nahin hai.
He has said economic sovereignty now matters more than border security. Haalaanki baat ab border security ki rahi hi nahin hai. Ab economic sovereignty is everything.
He has said a country cannot function if it cannot finance its public institutions. Uski vajah yah hai ki jab aap finance nahin kar sakte government ke public institutions ko to mulk nahin chal sakta.
He has said owning nuclear weapons does not feed people. Atomic bomb ka aapne test karke apne paas rakhe hue hain lekin kya usse kisi ka pet bhar raha hai yah puchh lijie.
He has said the 1991 reforms under Manmohan Singh brought market liberalisation and globalisation to India. 19 91 ki yah jo reform jo manmohan sinh saahab ke under hui market liberalization ki aur globalization ki
He has said foreign direct investment in India rose 316 percent over the following thirteen years. lekin agle terah saalon ke andar jo foreign direct investment thi us par tin sau solah percent ka izaapha hua.
He has said the main difference between Pakistan and India is political instability. To iska sirph aur sirph ek difference Pakistan ka aur hindustaan ka dikhai deta hai over the decades aur vah political instability ka fark hai.
He has said Pakistan can only face ruin while political instability continues. To yah aapko bataata hai ki jab tak Pakistan mein political instability khatm nahin hogi, sirph aur sirph barbaadi ho sakti hai.
He has said the Supreme Court has become an arena for politics. Iske alaava supreme court jo hai vah mulk ki akhaada bani hui hai siyaasat ka.
He has said the lesson from India's democracy is to let it run. Agar aapne koi lesson lena hai hindustaan ki democracy se to vah yah hai ki isko chalne dijie.
He has said the ballot is the only way to remove an elected leader. usi ballot se usko nikaalne ka raasta hai iske alaava koi nahin hai.
He has said Pakistan needs secularisation, liberalisation and democratisation of society and government. To sabse badi chiz yah hai ki ek secularization aur liberalization chaahie. Society ki, governments ki aur democratization chaahie.
He has said institutions like NAB should be abolished. NAB jaise idaaron ko khatm karna padega
He has said the last chance to formally engage India was when Vajpayee was invited to Lahore. I think the last chance that we had to formally engage with India, vah tabhi tha jab baajpai saahab ko laahaur bulaaya tha
He has said Pakistan could gain from India through economic competition rather than war. Agar aapne unse kuchh na kuchh haasil karna hai na ladai karke to vah economy ke maidaan mein ho sakti hai.
He has said climate change could take 20 percent of Pakistan's GDP growth by 2050. Pakistan ko climate change ka bhi masla hai jo ki GDP growth ka 20 percent kha jaega by 20 50 by all estimates
He has said recent floods caused losses of 30 billion dollars in Pakistan. Pakistan mein jo floods abhi recently aae the vo aapko bata chuke hain. In floods ke tahat tis arab dollar ka nuksaan hua tha Pakistan ko
He has said no party is discussing how much the floods cost or how to build water storage. Koi party baithakar yah discuss nahin kar rahi ki darsal yah jo flooding hui thi iske baad kitna bada loss hua tha aur aaynda kis tarah se water storage banaani chaahie?
He has said Pakistan has to repay the IMF within five to six months. Paanch se chhah mahine ke andar paintis arab dollar IMF ko vaapas karna hai.
He has said Pakistan's political discourse is at the level of schoolchildren insulting each other. hamaara discourse ka level vah hai jo ki school ke bachche jab class mein baithakar siyaasi disagreement par doosre ko gaaliyaan dete hain
He has said OIC statements on Israel's foreign policy make no difference. Collectively saari muslim community OIC mein baithakar is vakt maatam kar rahi hai Israel ki foreign policy ka. Kya fark pad raha hai kuchh bhi nahin.
He says the state narrative dates the founding of Pakistan to 712, when Muhammad bin Qasim ruled Sindh. State narrative yah tha ki Pakistan bana saat sau baarah mein jab mohammad bin qasim yahaan par aaya aur sindh par usne hukoomat ki
He says Muhammad bin Qasim was known as the first citizen, a name many Pakistanis studied. Kyonki first citizen ke naam se pukaara jaata tha mohammad bin qasim ko aur bahut se karodon aur paakistaaniyon ne padha.
He says many who came from outside to plunder and enforce slavery were saluted. Bahut se aise log jinhonne baahar se aakar sirph plunder, loot, maar dhaad aur iske alaava slavery yahaan par enforce ki unko salute marvae gae
He says Pakistan still does not own its soil and celebrates these invaders. that we still don't own our own soil and we celebrate these invaders.
He says many in Pakistan still enjoy saluting what he calls the invader mentality. yah jo invader mentality hai isko salute maarne ka ab bhi itna shauk hai
He says these narratives have become part of our subconscious. Kabhi ham scrutinize karenge in chizon ko jo ki hamaari sub conscious ka part van chuki hai.
He says history was turned into ideology so that people forgot the difference between fact and fiction. Aur taarikh ko aisa najrie mein ideology mein badla ki log yah bhool hi gae ki fact kya hai aur fiction kya hai.
He asks where the popular Muhammad bin Qasim story comes from and what record and evidence support it. To sabse pahli chiz yah hai ki mohammad bin qasim ke havaale se jo popular story kahti hai vah aai kahaan se hai uska record kahaan maujood hai uska saboot kahaan maujood hai.
He says the earliest surviving historical record on this subject dates from 1216. Aur uska pahla historical record jo hamaare paas maujood hai vah baarah sau solah ka hai.
He says there is a gap of 500 years between the events and the oral tradition. Paanch sau saal ka difference hai beach mein aur oral tradition.
He says this account comes from the victors. To jo victors hain unhin ke haath ki taarikh hai.
He says two earlier expeditions had failed. Isse pahle hajaaj bin yusaph ke under do expeditions fail ho chuki thi.
He says Arab trade and economic interests were the biggest issue. Doosri sabse badi chiz yah hai ki sabse bada issue Arab trade ka aur economics ka tha
He says the siege of the Kaaba lasted seven years. Chhah sau baanve mein inhonne saat saal tak khaana kaaba ka mahaasra kar liya tha.
He says romanticism spread when history was taught as literature. Lekin hamaare yahaan par kya romanticism phailaaya hai ki hamen yah literature ki form mein yah taarikh batai gai.
He says the state turned one school of thought within the ideology into its official narrative. Sirph ek specific school of thought within the ideology usko mainstream karke ryaasat ka narrative bana diya.
He says there is no historical record for the age of 17 attributed to Muhammad bin Qasim. Doosra yah hai ki satrah saal ki jo umr mohammadin kaasim ki batai jaati hai koi historical record nahin hai
He says Muhammad bin Qasim had no military experience. Uska military experience tha nahin tha.
He says a book he cites states that Muhammad bin Qasim laid the foundation of Pakistan. Aur usmen likha hua hai ki he laid the foundation of Pakistan.
He says the subcontinent's dilemma has always been a lack of internal unity, which led to disintegration. Hamesha se hindustaan ka yahi dilemma raha hai ki internal unity nahin thi islie disintegration aa gai.
He says readers should also read what Sindhi writers say about their own history. To vah khud kya kahte hain yah bhi padh lena chaahie.
He says the sources he cites can be checked against his account. To yah saare accounts is baat ko counter check kar sakte hain
He says, according to the books he cites, the state had Muhammad bin Qasim killed the next year. according to these books that you keep citing, unhonne to katal karva diya usko fauran agle saal hi.
He says Muslim historians of that period in India further exaggerated the story. Phir bahut se aise us vakt ke jo hindustaan mein muslim historian the unhonne isko mazid exaggerate kiya
He says some writers began a narrative that Raja Dahir's rule was only oppression before Muhammad bin Qasim. janaab bahut se writers jis tarah se mohammad kaasim pharista ya amir maasoom yah do misaalen hain jinhonne yah narrative tashkil dena shuroo kiya ki darsal mohammad bin kaasim se pahle to raajaadhaar ki akumat ke andar sirph julm tha
He says a savior complex, in which an outsider saves everyone, is part of Pakistani psychology. Yah vahi savior complex hai ki baahar se ek shakhs aaega aur vah superman van jaega aur vah aakar sabko bacha lega jo aaj tak hamaare ek archetype mein ek psychology ka hissa bana hua hai.
He says the British later used this narrative to justify invasion. Isi narrative ko yaani ki invasion ko justify karne ke lie baad mein gauron ne istemaal kiya.
He says the British wrote that local Muslim rulers were barbaric when the East India Company arrived. British Empire jab yahaan par East India company aai to unhonne apni kitaabon mein yahi likha ki yahaan ke muslim hokabaraan to barbaric the.
He says states act as rational actors, not ideological ones. Rayaasaton ke apne interest hote hain vah rational actors hoti hain.
He says the story begins with rescuing a woman and ends with choosing one of Raja Dahir's two daughters. Kahaani dekhie ki shuroo hoti hai khaatoon ko bachaane se end hoti hai raajaadhaar ki do betiyon mein se ek ko choose karne se.
He describes a colonial empire as one that comes from outside, suppresses local culture, extracts wealth and writes history itself. Colonial empire yahi hoti hai jo baahar se aati hai local culture ko suppress karti hai, paisa nikaalti hai vaapas bhejti hai aur taarikh khud likh deti hai.
He says the rule from 695 to 712 revived Sanskrit in Sindh. 6 95 se saat sau baarah tak ka rule tha jismen sanskrt language ko sindh mein revive kiya unhonne.
He says the royal court became a hub for scholars, philosophers and literature teachers. Royal Court jo hai vah hub van gai scholars ka, philosophers ka, literature padhane vaalon ka, grammar ka, intellectual ka.
He says work was done under that rule to promote Sindhi literature. Iske alaava sindhi literature ko promote karne ke lie raajaadhaar ke under kaam hua.
He says monuments, cultural centres, schools and universities were built under that rule. Iske alaava monuments banae gae, cultural centers banae gae aur schools aur universities bhi bani
He describes history as a bed of lies that most people agree on. Jhooth ka ek palanda jis par zyaada aavaam mutfak ho jae uska naam hai taarikh.
He says Pakistani children taught this history have fallen into an identity crisis. Pahle din se lekar aaj tak bachchon ko padha padha ke pahla paakistaani identity crisis ka shikaar kar di hai.
He says such stories justify authoritarian rule. Kyonki is tarah ki kahaaniyaan authoritarian rule ko justify karti hain.
He says a story of a ruler fighting for the truth gives justification to military rule. Sach ki ladai ladne ke lie, aam abhaam ko emancipate karne ke lie, unse unko hakukh dilvaane ke lie, to phir usse justification milti hai military rule ko.
He says the problem in Pakistani psychology is seeing one man as a messiah and saviour. Islie aaj tak paakistaani psychology ka yahi masla hai ki vah ek aadmi ko masiha aur savior samajhate hain.
He says people happily call those who promote war the best humans. Vah jangon jadal ko promote karne ke lie bada bada khushi se kahte hain ki behtarin insaan vah hain.
He says people insult those who speak of culture, philosophy and intellect. Jo culture ki, philosophy ki, intellectual ki baat karen unhen gaaliyaan dete hain.
He says those who fought for Bengal were sidelined while outsiders were placed above them. Koi bangaal ke lie lada sabko hamne side line karke unko sar par bithaaya jo baahar se ijaaraadaari kaam karne aae the yahaan par.
He says he expects many people to be angry with him after this video. Is video ke baad mujhe maaloom hai bahut se logon ko gussa aaega, mujhe gaaliyaan denge
He says people become empowered only by facing hard truths, not by escaping through lies. Apne aap ko badtarin sach bataie usse hi aap empower honge otherwise jhooth bol ke escape karte rahenge
He says he interviewed a defence minister. Aur mainne khaaja asif ka khud defense minister ka interview kiya.
He has made a video about Osama bin Laden. Usaama bin laadhan vaali meri video utha ke dekh lo bhai.
He says he has spoken at universities on identity and on the two-nation theory. Aap inmen se yah mujhe karke dikha do jo Pakistan ki foundation ideology ya 2 nation theory usko contested kya hai ki identity crisis ke oopar main universities mein jaakar bol chuka hoon.
He says he has supported the Pashtun movement in Pakistan. Main Pakistan mein pashatoon taaph us movement ko support karta raha hoon.
He says he has been beaten for making these statements. Maar bhi khai hai yah saari baaten karne ke lie
He says shots were fired at homes where he lived in Pakistan. Pakistan mein rah ke gharon par firing bhi hui hai.
He says he has attended court hearings in a case and later won it. Mainne court mein peshiyaan bhugti hain uske lie baarah karod rupe ka har jaana ho gaya tha mere oopar aur main jita hoon case uske baad mein.
He says Pakistan itself has stated the mistakes of its state. sabse zyaada hamne khud bataaya ki hamaari riyaasat ne kya galtiyaan ki hain.
He asks why Pakistan cannot say on camera when it is at fault. agar ham camera ke saamne kah sakte hain ki bhai yah hamaara kasoor hai, is par kyon nahin kah sakte?
He says he has acknowledged in his videos that Pakistan trained mujahideen in Afghanistan. Mainne dhai sau videos to mainne banai hui hai jismen main khud maan raha hoon ki hamne muzaahidin ko train kiya Afghanistan mein
He says Pakistan sent Stinger missiles that helped push Russia out of Afghanistan. Unhonne paisa diya. Hamne stinger missile bhej ke vahaan par russia ko hara ke baahar bhej diya.
He says every country has the right to self-defence. Every country has the right to self-defence.
He says a breach of a country's sovereignty leads to war. To bhai jab kisi ki sovereignty breach hoti hai to jang lagti hai.
He says both states have always treated Kashmiris as collateral damage. ke donon states including India and Pakistan have always treated kashmiris as collateral damage in their mutual war.
He says civilians were killed by both sides. Bhai donon ne maare hain.
He says Pakistani fire has also killed Indian civilians in Poonch. Pakistan ke fire se bhi Indian Indian civilians mare hain poonchh mein.
He says he argued that both countries should de-escalate. mainne yah kaha ki donon countries at the brink of absolute war the nuclear war ke karib soortihaal nahin jaani chaahie, deescalate hona chaahie
He says the claim about nuclear radiation there is completely false. Iske alaava jo kaha ja raha hai nuclear radiation yahaan fail rahi hai, bilkul jhooth hai
He says the Kirana Hills claim is completely false. Iske alaava kiraana hills baari baat bilkul jhooth hai.
He says other countries would detect radioactivity, since technology to measure it exists. otherwise international jo countries hain vo radio activity ko recognize kar lete hain, usko measure karne ke lie technology maujood hai.
He says Pakistan's electronic-warfare leverage was one of the major reasons for the pushback. EFE kya kah raha hai ki Pakistan ko electronic warfare ke andar jo hai vo leverage haasil tha. This was 1 of the major reasons of the pushback.
He says no independent observer accepts that the war was one-sided. Poori duniya mein koi independent observer yah maanne ko taiyaar nahin hai ki is jang mein 1 sided domination hui hai.
He says blacklisting Pakistan would make it more radical. Bhai aapko yah nahin pata ki Pakistan agar blacklist hoga to mazid radicalize hoga.
He says he speaks about peace and people-to-people contact. Main peace ki baat karoonga. Main people to people contact ki baat karoonga.
He says he always substantiates his case rationally. I will always substantiate my case rationally.
He says the claim that Ayub Khan alone started the 1965 war is wrong. Ab bahut se logon ka taasur yah hai ki aayub khaan ne single handedly is jang ka aagaaz kiya jo ki bilkul galat hai.
He says Ayub Khan was not an adventurous military dictator. Aayub khaan as a military dictator was not adventurous when it comes to military designs.
He says Ayub Khan was suspicious of the entire plan. Haalaanki aayub khaan was suspicious of this entire design.
He says Bhutto showed no limit to his war jingoism. Unke war jingoism ka koi limit hi dikhai nahin deti is case ke andar.
He says Bhutto, whom many regard as a great democrat, proved to be one of the war's villains. villans kaun saabit hue vo hue bhootto saahab jinko ham bahut bada democrat samajhate hain.
He says Operation Gibraltar is part of Pakistan's history that is not taught to children. Operation gibraltar Pakistan ki taarikh ka vah hissa hai jo yahaan bachchon ko bataaya nahin jaata
He says Bhutto fabricated intelligence reports. bhootoo saahab ne aur akhtar husain malik saahab ne bahut si intelligence report ko bhi fabricate karke pesh kiya
He says the Pakistani planners thought the Indian army was very weak, and they were wrong. they thought of the Indian army as a very weak entity at that stage which was proven absolutely wrong
He says local people began reporting the infiltrators to Indian authorities. To locals ne hi in tamaam fighters ko Indian authorities ko report karna shuroo kar diya
He says the war was purely ideologically motivated. purely ideologically motivated ek jang thi
He says Pakistan named its task forces after the invaders who had plundered India. jo invaders ek daur mein aakar hindustaan mein plunders aur loot phailaaya karte the ham bhi ab vahi van gae hain aur hamne apne in saari task forces ka naam bhi unhin ke naamon par rakhana shuroo kar diya.
He states that Operation Gibraltar was planned in self-glory, not in national interest. Operation Gibraltar was planned in self-glory not in national interest.
He says the Pakistan Air Force fought very bravely and brilliantly. Pakistan ki Air Force ne bahut hi daleri se aur bahut hi brilliantly fight kiya.
He says the Pakistani army fought with complete bravery. Aap yah nahin kah sakte ki Pakistan ki jo phauj thi vah bravely ladi nahin. Bilkul bravely ladi.
He says India was in a position to take Lahore when the ceasefire was called. Jangabandi hui us vakt hindustaan is position mein tha ki laahaur par qabza kar leta.
He says the war reached an absolute stalemate by that point. situation is point tak yah kaha ja sakta hai ki absolutely stalemate ki thi
He concludes that neither side won the 1965 war. Number do yah jang koi bhi nahin jita.
He concludes that Pakistan started the 1965 war, and that it was not imposed on Pakistan. yah jang ham par musallat nahin hui hamne ki thi
He says the 1965 war began Pakistan's decline. is jang se Pakistan ki us tanazli ka aagaaz hua
He says the 1965 war stopped Pakistan's economic growth. Nuksaan yah hua ki Pakistan ki economic growth ruk gai.
He says Pakistan began to think in military terms after the war. Pakistan ne military sochana shuroo kar diya
He says the war cost Pakistan six thousand lives and gained nothing. Chhah hazaar logon ko marva diya aur mila kuchh bhi nahin
He says the people who caused six thousand Pakistanis to die faced no accountability. jin logon ne chhah hazaar paakistaaniyon ko marva diya, unka koi atsaab nahin hua
He says decisions made without asking the people's elected representatives will always lead to this result. Jo ki koi bhi faisla avaam ke muntkhe numaindon se poochhe bagair hi karti jaegi to hamesha yah result aaega.
He says an offer of help to prolong the war was made to Ayub Khan, and Ayub Khan refused. Chauhan Lai ne unko kaha ki agar aap hamaari assistance chaahte hain to ham usko dene ko taiyaar hain war ko prolong kijie. Badhaen is jang ko and we are ready to support you. Lekin aayub khaan ne refuse kar diya.
He says Ayub Khan made a secret flight to China on 19 September. unnis sitambar ko ek secret flight li aayub khaan ne. Vah chin pahunche.
He says the Tashkent declaration was signed on 10 January 1966. taashkant declaration ko sign kar liya. Us declaration ke havaale se agar kuchh points main aapko bataoon to das janvari 19 66 ko Pakistan ki taraph se aur bhaarat ki taraph se USR yaani ki us vakt ke roos mein jaakar is declaration ko sign kiya gaya
He says Bhutto told the public, after the agreement was signed, that Ayub Khan had sold out the country. Is agreement ki signing ke baad bhootoo saahab ne aavaam ko yah bataaya ki darsal aayub khaan saahab ne aap aapke mulk ko jaakar udhar bech di hai
He cites a historian as saying the war ended in what happened to be a draw. Stanley Bulpert jo ke bade authentic historian hain vo yah kahte hain the war ended in what happened to be a draw
He cites a report saying that both sides lost heavily in men and material. jis tarah se Denny Scox ki ek report hai vo yah kahte hain ki although both sides lost heavily in men and material
He says he has left the channel he worked for. Channel islie chhod diya
He says he was part of another show as an analyst. Kyonki main kisi aur show ka part tha as an analyst.
He says analysts who join a channel sign a contract to give their own analysis on its screen. kyonki aap ek contract karte hain ki aap apna analysis unki screen par baithakar karenge
He says he worked very independently while at that channel. I was working very independently
He says he anchored and moderated a show before his analysis work on a channel. isse pahle to main anchor karta raha hoon na show ko moderate karta raha hoon
He says an analyst's job is to explain events that have already happened. journalist ka analyst ka kaam yah hai ki jo events ho chuke hain
He says the way to become thoughtful and articulate is to consume more material. yahi tarika hai na profound banne ka ya achchha bolne ka, sochane ka, likhane ka ki aap zyaada material consume karen
He says the constitution holds that democracy is not legitimate without local government. local government ke bagair democracy legitimate nahin hai
He says prediction-based analysis is mostly fraud. prediction vaala analysis mostly fraud hota hai
He says Pakistan lacks consistency and institutional clarity. consistency institutional clarity hoti hai vah hai hi nahin yahaan par
He says people in the tribal areas have no right to a lawyer, an appeal, or an argument. vahaan par vakil appeal aur dalil tin hak hai hi nahin
He says about 90 percent of the fallout from the Taliban falls on the northern border. 90 percent fallout jo hota hai taalibaan ka vah hamesha northern border par hota hai
He says he has not seen Taliban recruitment happening in Lahore. Mainne nahin dekha ki yahaan par recruitment ho rahi hai taalibaan ki
He says Pakistan's policy in Afghanistan has failed utterly. aapki policy utterly fail hui Afghanistan mein
He says no Afghan woman among the refugees should be sent to Afghanistan. ek bhi khaatoon ko nahin bhejna chaahie Afghanistan
He says singling out one ethnic group's crime data is profiling. Sirph ek ethnicities ka crime data nikaal ke dikha dena ki yah dekhen itni choriyaan ki hain inhonne. To yah to profiling hai.
He says the deportation timeline should have been at least six months. Mere khyaal se to kam se kam chhah mahine ka time frame hona chaahie tha.
He says the deportation should have involved government-level negotiation. government level ki negotiation honi chaahie
He says the aim of the policy was to pressure the Afghan Taliban into acting against the TTP. iska objective sirph yah tha ki Afghan taalibaan ko pressurize karen
He says the TTP has grown from about 8,000 fighters to between 10,000 and 11,000. aath hazaar fighter tha. Ab to das gyaarah hazaar ho gaya hai
He says the urban class in Pakistan is very two-faced. Yah hypocrisy jo main dekhata hoon Pakistan ki urban class ki, yah bahut hi zyaada two faced hai
He says media operate under the umbrella of the state. media operate under the umbrella of the state
He says large business tycoons usually start media channels. bade bade business tycoons channel kholte hain
He says a fair election is not possible without a level playing field beforehand. agar pahle hi level playing field nahin aaya to uske baad kya fair election hona hai
He says secularism has no place in Pakistan's political spectrum or media landscape. jo secularity ka issue hai na jo hamaare political spectrum mein media landscape mein kahin bhi nahin hai
He says economic models are not his area of expertise. main economic models ko itna expert lens se nahin dekhata
He says ordinary Baloch people are not allowed to reach positions of power. iqtadaar mein aane diya nahin ja raha
He says the state began funding tribal sardars. sardaaron ko fund dena bhi Pakistan ki state ne shuroo kiya tha
He says a majority of Balochistan still falls under the security forces. majority ab bhi security forces ke under aata hai balochistaan
He says Karachi's mayor governs only 40 percent of Karachi. mayor karaachi sirph 40 percent karaachi par rule karta hai
He says the approach to truth in his society is dogmatic. Because our approach to truth is all only dogmatic.
He says the main problem is the absence of a reformation like the one in Christianity. Sabse bada masla vah reformation nahin hui jo shaayad christianity mein ho gai
He says the phrase 'ideology of Pakistan' only became popular in the 1980s. Even ideology of Pakistan ki term bhi 80's mein popularize hui usse pahle thi hi nahin
He says people listen only to reply, not to understand. You listen with an intent to reply only not to understand.
He thinks politics in Pakistan is impossible without an Islamic touch. Pakistan ne filhaal Islamic touch die bagair politics karna impossible hai
He says ballot papers should include a none-of-the-above section. usmen none of the above ka ek section hona chaahie
He says he supports a boycott movement as far as elections are concerned. boycott movement ka main to haami election ki jahaan tak baat hai
He names his father as his first major influence. Top influences to begin with my father.
He says the recent form of liberalism includes a negation of rationality. Liberalism ki jo recent form hai usmen to ek negation of rationality bhi hai na
He says there should be liberalism with Pakistani characteristics. liberalism with paakistaani characteristics ek chiz honi chaahie
He says he sees things through a realistic lens. But I see things in a realistic lens
He says supporting Hamas works against the Palestinian people. supporting hamas is against the palestinian people
He says he is not an ultimate authority. I am not an ultimate authority.
He says listeners should investigate and think for themselves. It is being said for you to investigate and think for yourself in the end.
He tells viewers to double-check things if they disagree with him. Double check things if you don't agree with me, it's totally fine.
He has said he came from South Punjab to a big city. main aaya bhi south Punjab se tha bade shahar mein aakar
He has said the schools he attended were under-privileged. Uske baad jis tarah ke schools mein main padha vah bahut hi under privilege the.
He has said he was told to study biology in matric and had no interest in it. Mujhe bhi yahi kaha ki yaar pahle biology padh len vah padhani padh gai matric mein mujhe. Koi interest nahin tha.
He has said he began pre-engineering at intermediate level. Is tarah uske baad mein inter mein mainne pre engineering shuroo kar di.
He has said he does not have a scientific brain. Sciences khaas taur par mera scientific brain nahin hai
He has said history articles on Wikipedia really attracted him. To us dvaar mein bhi Wikipedia naya naya hamaare access mili thi hamen. Ghar mein computer aa gaya aur articles padhane baith ke uske. To vah jo history ke articles the the used to really attract me
He has said his family suggested a BBA or an engineering degree, and he refused. vahi ghar se pharmae shaagi koi BBA kar lo, koi engineering mein degree kar lo to mainne kaha nahin ab bahut ho gaya.
He has said his father was a journalist for a short while. So my father was a journalist for a short while.
He has said he moved into mass communication, then returned to political science. To phir mass com ki taraph aa gae aur vahaan aakar idea hua ki ab yah bhi mujhe shaayad utna interest nahin karta hai yah utna political science karti hai. Aage jaakar phir us taraph chala gaya.
He has said a teacher recommended The End of History and the Last Man to him, and that he read it. Jiska naam tha end of history and the last man. Francis Foucaima ne likhi hai vah to. Mujhe ek teacher ne recommend ki aur mainne padh li.
He has said that book was his first introduction to philosophy and political science. To that was my first introduction to philosophy and political sciences
He has said he criticises himself most harshly. lekin sabse harshly main apne aap ko criticize karta hoon.
He has said he watches his own uploaded videos himself. mainne upload ki hai das pandrah minute ki video mainne khud lagaakar dekhi hai.
He has said he has never been an optimist. Optimist mein na kabhi tha na ho.
He has said he is always unsatisfied with himself. I am always unsatisfied from my own self.
He has said the harm of toxic positivity is much greater than the harm of negative thinking. isko toxic positive psychology kahte hain aur iska nuksaan jo hai vah negative thinking se bahut zyaada hai.
He has said a journalist's job is to find what is wrong and report it. Hamaara kaam to yah hai ki agar ek saamaan hai aur ismen kuchh galat mavaad pada hua hai usko soong ke bata den.
He has said Pakistani media does not debate its own issues. paakistaani media ke andar bhi jo issues hai us par debate hoti hi nahin hai
He has said that criticising the establishment can get a show taken off air the next day. Agar aap kisi authority ko criticize karen jahaan par asal taakat lae karti hai, jaise establishment hai ya kuchh aur hai, agle din show band ho jaega.
He has said he rarely saw anyone in the media industry holding a book. Main jab media industry mein aaya to mainne shaayad hi koi insaan dekha ho jiske haath mein kitaab ya koi aur chiz us tarah ki ho.
He has said many big business tycoons open a channel to cover their own business. vah ek capitalist model hai jismen tamaam bade bade jo business tycoons hain vah apna business cover karne ke lie ek channel khol lete hain.
He has said he has previously worked at an organisation. JNN mein main kaam kar chuka hoon
He has said he currently works at an organisation. To is tarah abhi main Bolt TV mein kaam kar raha hoon
He has said democracy has not existed in Pakistan since the start. Democracy pahli baat hai ki pahle din se aai hi nahin.
He has said the institution makes the man, not the other way round. The man doesn't make the institution, the institution makes the man.
He has said politics is an art of effectiveness. To politics is an art of effectiveness.
He has said the problem of violence against women lies with men, who cause it. the problem is not with women it's with men. Men are actually causing this violence.
He has said he has always been self taught. I have always been self taught.
He has said he thinks universities and colleges teach him little. Mujhe lagta hai ki universities, colleges kuchh nahin sikha sakte aapko.
He has said institutional education exists mainly to discipline students. Sirph aapko discipline karne ke lie hoti hai.
He has said he lived an isolated life that involved suffering. Isolated zindagi guzaari aur suffering vaali guzaari.
He has said he read The Murder of History on a train to Karachi. main pahli baar karaachi ja raha tha train mein. To main ek kitaab utha raha hai ghar se aur uska naam tha murder of history.
He has said reading that book made him ashamed of what he had been taught as history. ek sharmindagi pahli baar tab chapet padi hai ki yaar jo tum maan rahe ho jo tum dekhate hai vah taarikh nahin thi vah.
He has said he reads little fiction and mostly non-fiction. Fiction bahut kam padhi hai mainne. Novels vagairah se main door rahta hoon zara.
He has said he feeds himself mostly facts so that his thinking stays factual. To main maximum apne aap ko fact feed karta hoon. So that my thinking remains factual
He has said he was on his university badminton team. Badminton mein university team mein bhi tha
He has said he has always hated defeat. I have always hated defeat.
He has said his father was the first person he played chess with. even chess mein mujhe shauk tha khelne ka shatr ranj apne father ke saath. So he was the first player I I played with.
He has said he first tried to become a writer, but felt it would not earn him a living. Main bhi pahle writer banne ke lie gaya tha. Lekin mujhe idea ho gaya ki na ismen koi khaane ko roti milegi
He has said he had no interest in making videos, which he saw as a non-serious medium. To mujhe shauk nahin tha videos banaane ka yah sab karne ka because yah bada non serious medium hai
He has said he wanted to maintain a balance of power in Pakistani discourse. ki ek balance of power maintain ho paakistaani mausre mein jo bilkul nahin hai
He has said his online work was driven by passion and vision. this was more of a passion and a vision jo ki it was related to me
He has said he was not after money. I was not after money and all that.
He has said people urged him to start a YouTube channel, and he then moved to YouTube. Phir logon ne kaha YouTube banao kyonki Facebook ki vah video library nahin banti us tarah jo YouTube ki hoti hai. Vah hai hi video driven ek platform hai. To phir main us par gaya.
He has said he started on Facebook with a personal profile. Mainne Facebook ki profile se shuroo kiya tha.
He has said he does not see himself as a content creator racing for frequency and money. To main content creator apne aap ko nahin samajhata us tarah ka jo ki kisi race mein ek ek frequency set karni hai aur paisa kamaana hai usse.
He has said his driving force was never to post videos for money. lekin driving force kabhi vah nahin raha ki din mein do videos daal do paise aa jaenge
He has said he feels he has challenged authority, which is what he is supposed to do. I feel that I have challenged the authority and that's what I am supposed to do.
He has said he wants people to empower themselves rather than follow him. Tell people that they can empower themselves not by following me.
He has said he has no financial benchmark, career goal or long-term media plan. Lekin koi financial benchmark aur aisa goal nahin hai career goal bhi nahin hai media mein bhi mera bahut long term plan nahin hai.
He has said he holds live question and answer sessions on Instagram. Live bhi kar lete hain usmen logon ke savaal bhi le lete hain
He has said he set out to cater to a liberal audience. Ek liberal audience bhi hai jisko mainne cater kiya aakar.
He has said he has tried to speak for people in the periphery. To mainne aakar hamesha yahi koshish ki hai ki jo periphery ke log hain unki baat bhi karen
He has said he does not see a special future for mainstream media. To islie main to mainstream ko koi khaas future nahin dekhata iska.
He has said the state should follow a secular model. ek secular model follow karna padega riyaasat ko kyonki aapne tamaam tajurbe karke dekh li hain.
He has said Pakistan has been in default since the start. Pakistan pahle din se default hi tha.
He joined mainstream media without a long-term plan to move to social media at that time. mainstream mein pahle jab mainne join kiya to obviously mera us time social media ke oopar itna long term plan nahin tha
He says that within his first year at mainstream media he saw there was no space for him there. ab jaate saath hi pahle saal mein samajh aa gai ki vahaan koi space nahin hai
He says a senior at a channel told him to learn to stage a spectacle if he wanted to last in the field. Ek ne to kaha quote and quote tamaasha lagaana sikho if you want to go long in this field.
He says that after about two and a half years of work he gave up his optimism and became a realist. takriban do dhai saal kaam karne ke baad ke janaab optimism ko baahar fenk den utha ke become a realist
He wrote articles at first, before he began making videos. To shuroo mein likh bhi raha tha main, lekin mere article post karne ke baad jitni likes aati thi
He says he uploaded a video to his personal Facebook account, not to earn money or to start a channel. Apne personal account par upload kar di mainne Facebook par, kyonki mera purpose to begin with yah nahin tha ki paise kamaane hain ya channel banaana hai
The morning after he uploaded the video, it had fifty thousand views. Bana ke upload ki subah uthe to us par pachaas hazaar views aae hue
He later set up a YouTube channel after he had built a Facebook page. Page se YouTube channel bana liya.
He signed with a television channel some time ago. Mainne ek channel sign kiya kuchh arsa pahle.
He says YouTube deleted one of the videos he made. Us par mainne video banai vah delete kar di YouTube ne.
His father was initially a reporter for a newspaper. initially my father was a reporter for Pakistan akhabaar
He says he was political from an early age. bada political tha main shuroo se
He says political science became his main passion. Kyonki political science zyaada passion van gaya mera
He says he comes from a lower middle-class background. kyonki main lower middle class ke background se tha
He studied at a government college. Ek sarkaari college mein padha jahaan us taaj ki shakl nahin dekhi.
He says he paid a school fee of 250 rupees to attend school. Mainne dhai sau rupe fees dekar school mein padha.
He first came to Karachi by train about eight years ago. Main aaj se aath saal pahle jab train mein baithakar pahli baar karaachi aaya tha
He says students come to him, and he tells them to do something for themselves first. jo bachche mere paas aate hain pahle doosre semester ki ki sir mainne mausre ke lie kuchh karna hai. Main kaha do something for yourself first.
He says Pakistan lacks historical clarity. Because we we lack historical clarity.
He describes a constitution as the manifestation of a social contract. Constitution basically is the manifestation of a social contract.
He says Pakistan's disintegration is linked to the constitution being mocked. Aur Pakistan mein islie disintegration hai ki constitution ka mazaak banaaya hua hai.
He says Pakistan has made more constitutional amendments in seventy years than the United States made in 250. America ne dhai sau saalon mein jitni amendments ki hain ham usse aage badh ke sattar saalon mein.
He says truth has become subjective in a post-truth society. Ab vah truth bhi itna subjective ho gaya na post truth society hai
He says states do not accept truth, because truth deconstructs their narrative. Usko kahin bhi sach jo hai vah suit nahin karta. Kyonki vah unke narrative ko deconstruct kar deta hai.
He says television is not a serious medium, so there is little space for truth on it. Serious medium nahin hai aur islie truth ki space bhi kam hai
He says digital media and television are biased against objectivity and rationalism. yah platform hi biased hai against objectivity and rationalism
He says listening to something is inferior to reading it, because reading is a consistent train of thought. vah inferior hai padhane se because reading is a consistent train of thought
He says a channel owner is a businessman, so staff protect the owner's interests. bhai channel ka maalik kaarobaari hai. Vah plot bech ke paise kama raha hai to niche jo saaphi employee kie hue hain vah bhi usi ka interest protect kar karte rahenge
He says the private media industry has factories for turning black money into white. pichhe bachi yah private media industry. To ismen black money white karne ki factories lagi hui hain.
He says a newspaper reporter is first given a press card that costs fifteen lakh rupees. agar aap akhabaar ke reporter hain to pahle pandrah laakh rupe ka aapko card milta hai
After visiting Gilgit, he wrote a Facebook post asking why there was no internet there. Gilgit gaya vahaan se vaapas aaya kuchh likh diya ki bhai internet kyon nahin hai vahaan par.
He says he accepted the risk of speaking out, because one has to take certain risks. Lekin mainne kaha thik hai because you have to take certain risk.
He says he was willing to pay the price for speaking out. So it was clear to me ki it it will come with the price and I was willing to pay the price.
He says many people think secularism is the same as atheism, and that this is not so. hamen yah lagta hai ki secularism is equal to atheism. Hamne kabhi bhi is baat ko nahin samajha ki yaar yah majbhi ideology nahin hai.
He says it is clear that Pakistan was meant to be a secular state. clear ho chuka hai ki it was meant to be a secular state.
He cites Kemal Ataturk as an example of a constitution that kept religion out of state activity. Jaise kimaal atatur ki misaal main deta hoon ki usne constitution mein likhava diya ki riyaasat ke jo jo sargarmi hai usmen madhy ka istemaal nahin hoga
He says he does not fully agree with the cancel culture movement. Cance movement jo hai main to usse utna agree nahin karta
He says cricket works very well for the state, and that he loves cricket but dislikes how the state uses it. Cricket in Pakistan works very well for the state. Yeah. I love cricket but how the state uses cricket.
He says he gets infuriated when people ask him whom they should vote for. And I get infuriated by the question that is this a dictatorship that I have to tell you whom to vote for?
He says morality does not help in politics, and calls this a Machiavellian idea that is true. Morality help nahin karti siyaasat mein bada McEvallian idea lekin truth hai yah.
He says pessimism works better in life than optimism. and I think pesimism works more in life than optimism.
He says change is only possible through hyper criticism of whatever is happening. that's only possible by hyper criticism on whatever that is happening.
He thinks change may begin after 2050 and not in his lifetime. Then perhaps after 20 50 there might be initiation of a change not happening in our lifetimes I think.
He says the Pakistani left lives in a utopia. To masla yah hai ki they live in a utopia.
He says the left looks to him like a dogmatic movement. Mujhe to ek dogmatic movement lagti hai
He says parts of the left have narrowed to a few issues and lost their broader appeal. To vah jo broader spectrum tha vah to loose kar gae hain.
He says he spent three or four years deciding whether to become a Marxist, and then made a conscious choice. mainne tin chaar saal lagae hain isko sochane mein ki main Marxist kyon na banoon ya kyon banoon? To phir hi faisla ki hai conscious
He says Chomsky made the point about distraction in a book called Manufacturing Consent. jisko chomsky bhi matlab bahut baar vah yah point out kar chuka hai iska manufacturing consent ke naam se kitaab hai badi zabradast
He says he stays away from mass consumption of information and of entertainment. To main to mass consumption of information, bench consumption of entertainment se door rahta hoon.
He says that in this particular age, clarity is power. So in this particular age of Genzy clarity is power.
He describes Gen Z as entertainment-driven people. they are entertainment driven people basically
He says India looks strong economically but is not very good on civil liberties. India ka to it looks pretty bright on the economic front. In terms of civil liberties it's not very good.
He says China is not an open society. China is not an open society
He says that for Pakistan, default was a normal state. Pakistan mein default ek normal state thi.
He says Pakistan is like a warrior who attacks himself in times of peace. in the times of peace a warrior attacks himself. So Pakistan is that man.
He says Pakistan appears set to default next year, by all estimates. agle saal sidha default dikhai de raha hai. Har by all estimates.
He says the perceived threat in Pakistan is far greater than the actual threat. Kyonki har vakt ek Pakistan mein itna threat actual nahin hai jitna threat perception hai.
He says life in Pakistan is nasty, brutish, short and solitary. Main kahta hoon life in Pakistan is nasty, brutish, short and solitary.
He says that in tribal societies people act as groups, and individuals hardly exist. Ek tribal society hai aur tribal society mein jathe hi kaam karte hain usmen individuals hote hi nahin hai.
He describes democracy as the tyranny of the majority, not a concept fallen from the sky. vah koi bahut aasmaan se utra hua concept to nahin hai, tyranny of majority hai.
He says democracy begins when the family structure breaks down. kyonki democracy jab family structure tootta hai to vahaan se shuroo hoti hai.
He says about 75 percent of Pakistanis have married within their family. takriban 75 percent paakistaaniyon ne consagvinius marriages ki hui hain
He says social media is a panopticon. To yah social media is a panopticon.
He says social media is doing in Pakistan what the printing press did in Europe. Jo printing press ne Europe ke saath kiya tha social media yahaan kar raha hai.
He says political insight has declined as attention spans have shrunk. Attentions span kam ho gaya.
He says predicting Pakistani politics is the greatest foolishness. Lekin Pakistan ki politics mein koi prediction karna sabse badi bevkooph hai.
He cites a book titled Origins of Totalitarianism on populist movements. To vah is par ek kitaab bhi hai na arendr ki origins of totalitarianism.
He says the situation in Balochistan has got worse, though it has been like this from the start. Well I think it has gotten worse lekin vah shuroo se hi aisa tha.
He says the exploitation model in Balochistan cannot work under home rule. yah exploitation ka jo model hai yah home rule se chal hi nahin sakta
He says he judges leadership by whether the leader is more intelligent than he is. Mere lie leadership sirph vah impressive hai jo mujhase zyaada intelligent hai.
He cites a book as saying that the masses have never thirsted for truth. Vo Gustav LeBond ki kitaab by the crowds usmen kahta hai ki massers have never thirsted for truth.
He says people like him are massively outnumbered in the public debate. tab shaayad kuchh reverse ho jae lekin filhaal we are massively outnumbered.
He calls the kind of positive psychology he criticises toxic positivity. yah toxic positivity kahta hoon isko main.
He says he believes in biological determinism. Kyonki biological determinism par main yakin karta hoon
He says he likes individualism. kyonki mujhe individualism pasand hai.
He says western political thought gave him clarity. mujhe yah clarity jo hai vah western political thought ne di
He says western philosophy gave him room for the personal freedom he identifies with. To usmen mujhe vah space mili personal freedom ki jo ki mainne dekhi to islie main usse recognize karta hoon apne aap ko.
He recommends Sapiens as a book that people should read. Yaar ek to sapiens hai. It's 1 of the books that you should read
He names Freedom at Midnight as one of his favourite books. ismen freedom at midnight is 1 of my favorite books
He names Beyond Good and Evil among his favourite books. 1 of my favorite books. Beyond Good and evil.
He has done outdoor interviews for a channel where he previously worked. Main interviews karta raha hoon apne channel ke lie jo pahle jahaan kaam karta tha outdoor.
He says journalism has little insight, because reporting day-to-day matters is its main task. saaphat mein itni insight nahin hoti kyonki vah day to day matters ko report karne ki ek art hai uske alaava kuchh nahin hai.
He says reporters often see an event without knowing its historical context. vah ek happening ko hote hue dekh lete hain, lekin uska historical context kya hai aur vah theory mein kya hai? Vah unko pata nahin hota.