Adeel Malik

associate professor at the University of Oxford

Compiled from 1 recorded interview. Every statement below is drawn from the passage cited beside it.

Adeel Malik is an associate professor of development economics at the University of Oxford. He holds a Globe Fellowship on the economies of Muslim societies and co-founded the Oxford Pakistan programme with two colleagues.

Early life and background

Malik says he is a product of the public schooling system and that he comes from a poor village. His father is a professor. [1]

Education

Malik completed a master's in economics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Pakistan. He received a Rhodes scholarship to study at Oxford, where he did his PhD. During his PhD he worked on Nigeria, Indonesia and Thailand. [1]

Career

Malik spent two years at the Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Centre in Islamabad. He obtained a position at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies. He says he has been at Oxford for 20 years. [1]

Oxford Pakistan programme

Malik co-founded the Oxford Pakistan programme with two colleagues. He says it is now Pakistan's largest scholarship programme. [1]

Writing and public engagement

Malik says he recently gave a lecture at IBA Karachi, and nobody left the room. He says his article drew a very large response. In his view, the response showed how barren Pakistan's intellectual discourse has become, not the article's merit. He says there was a deafening silence in Pakistan's intellectual space. [1]

Views on intellectual life and education

Malik says a very large failure in Pakistan is an intellectual failure. He says there is also an elite capture of the intellectual class, and that Pakistan's policymaking is not linked to academia. He says Pakistan must make education widely available and decolonise it, and that education of the heart is an important part of education. He also says Pakistan is insular and rarely learns from other Muslim countries. [1]

Views on elites and institutions

Malik says Pakistan's elite interests are tied to traditional actors, landed aristocracy or protectionist elites. He says those who hold power resist giving it up, and so they resort to violence. He says Pakistan needs a new social contract and new bargaining structures. [1]

He says a basic principle of political economy is constraints on executive power. In his account, without accountability, those in power drift toward fascism, while civil society, the rule of law, elections and the judiciary generate checks and balances. [1]

He says very few traders pay direct tax. He says citizens who pay tax should receive concessions in return, citing no taxation without representation. He says Pakistan's constituencies are too large and should be broken up. [1]

Colonial legacy and land reform

Malik says Britain set up indirect rule wherever it went, governing through local allies. He says the tribal areas were ruled through a political agent, a single individual, and that the man-on-the-spot model broadly persisted across Pakistan, under leaders including Musharraf and Zia. He says natural village heads were made zaildars and given benefits. [1]

He says there were no property rights before the British. He says large families in Punjab were patronised and paid, and that a person from Punjab would receive a piece of land. He says the Muslim League's mobilisation was largely elite mobilisation, and that power moved from the Muslim League's political leadership to the bureaucratic class. [1]

Malik says Pakistan has not carried out land reform to date, while land reforms went ahead in Bengal. He says landowners joined clerics in opposing land reforms. [1]

Politics since the 1980s

Malik says the 1985 elections, held without parties, were a turning point. He says dynastic politics grew sharply after the 1980s, and that a large share of today's assembly members entered politics in or around the 1980s. He says politicians controlled local bureaucracy, police stations, courts and schools. [1]

Comparisons with other countries

Malik says Indonesia's elites gradually linked up with the global trading system, and that Indonesia carried out very large land reforms. He says the Philippines is more like Pakistan than Indonesia is, with dynastic politics and rentier relationships with America. He says the 1997 East Asian financial crisis forced economies to open up, and that it is sad to waste a crisis, because a crisis can set the stage for reform. [1]

He says Egypt's military regime has largely surrendered to the outside system. On history, he says Britain's rule of law cannot be understood without the 1688 Glorious Revolution, and that China's modern development followed earlier problems, including the opium wars. [1]

Foreign policy and external support

Malik says Pakistan's authoritarian system has long run on outside resources, and that removing American military financial aid would overturn Pakistan's authoritarian order. He says Pakistan's military cooperated with America while Pakistan kept exploring other options. He says the West sees Pakistan as a friend it cannot trust, which is worse than being an enemy. [1]

He describes Pakistan as being in a very confusing situation in its foreign policy, and says he has tried to study it for a year without fully understanding it. He says Pakistan built up 40 years of strategic depth and destroyed it within a year, and that Pakistan could have played a useful role in a peaceful Afghanistan. He says Pakistan's prime minister once stood in the front line at BRI summits and no longer does. [1]

He cites Ray Dalio's book, which predicts that American power is weakening. He describes Pakistan as a genuine transition zone where Central Asia meets South Asia. He says Pakistan may not be able to play all sides through a balancing act, and that he has always supported trade with India. [1]

He says external aid to Pakistan is declining, and that Pakistan will keep receiving money, but only enough to keep the ruling system running. He says Pakistan is in a state of strategic suspension, is caught in coercive economic diplomacy, moving from one IMF programme to the next, and is largely under invisible sanctions. He says the IMF programme under Imran Khan was very tough. [1]

Outlook on Pakistan

Malik says Pakistan's conditions look bad, with an elite power struggle and high inflation. He notes that Pakistan's population was more than 100 million in the 1980s and is now 240 million. He argues Pakistan needs a telescopic view, not just a microscopic one. [1]

He points to middle-class expansion, social media and a generational shift as changes under way in Pakistan. He says the military and establishment have lost public respect, and that traditional authority structures are weakening. He says the ruling system faces fire under its feet, in the language of political economy, and describes the current upheaval as creative destruction. He says he is worried about Pakistan but also hopeful. [1]

Appearances

DateTitleWhere
2024-08-09 Pakistan's ruling system has fire under its feet Thought Behind Things

Frequently asked questions

Who is Adeel Malik?

Adeel Malik is an associate professor of development economics at the University of Oxford. He holds a Globe Fellowship on the economies of Muslim societies.[1]

What does Adeel Malik do?

Adeel Malik is an associate professor of development economics at the University of Oxford. He also co-founded the Oxford Pakistan programme with two colleagues.[1]

Where did Adeel Malik study?

Adeel Malik completed a master's in economics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Pakistan. He received a Rhodes scholarship to study at Oxford, where he did his PhD.[1]

What is the Oxford Pakistan programme?

The Oxford Pakistan programme was co-founded by Adeel Malik with two colleagues. He says it is now Pakistan's largest scholarship programme.[1]

What did Adeel Malik work on during his PhD?

During his PhD at Oxford, Adeel Malik worked on Nigeria, Indonesia and Thailand. He received a Rhodes scholarship to study there.[1]

Where has Adeel Malik worked?

Adeel Malik spent two years at the Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Centre in Islamabad. He obtained a position at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, and says he has been at Oxford for 20 years.[1]

What is Adeel Malik's view of Pakistan's future?

Adeel Malik says he is worried about Pakistan but also hopeful. He argues Pakistan needs a telescopic view, not just a microscopic one.[1]

References

  1. Pakistan's ruling system has fire under its feet . Thought Behind Things , 2024-08-09.
Show the source passages (87 statements)
  1. Adeel Malik is an associate professor at the University of Oxford. Adeel Malik is an Associate Professor at the University of Oxford.
  2. He completed a master's in economics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Pakistan. maine Pakistan se economics mein masters kiya, Quaid-e-Azam University se
  3. He spent two years at the Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Centre in Islamabad. phir do saal Dr. Mahbub-ul-Haq ka ek idara tha, Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Centre, Islamabad mein
  4. He received a Rhodes scholarship to study at Oxford, where he did his PhD. Then I got a Rhodes scholarship to come to Oxford and, um, I did my PhD here
  5. He worked on Nigeria, Indonesia and Thailand during his PhD. I did my PhD here, uh, worked on Nigeria, Indonesia, uh, Thailand
  6. He obtained a position at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies. I got a position at Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, jahan par meri abhi bhi globe fellowship hai
  7. He holds a Globe Fellowship on the economies of Muslim societies. meri abhi bhi globe fellowship hai on economies of Muslim societies
  8. He is an associate professor of development economics at Oxford. mein university mein associate professor bhi hoon development economics ka
  9. He says he has been at Oxford for 20 years. main Oxford mein 20 saalon se
  10. He co-founded the Oxford Pakistan programme with two colleagues. maine do apne colleagues ke saath milke humne Oxford Pakistan program banaya
  11. He says the Oxford Pakistan programme is now Pakistan's largest scholarship programme. jo ab Pakistan ka largest program ban gaya hai for scholarships for deserving students from Pakistan
  12. His father is a professor. mere apne walid hain Professor Fateh Muhammad Malik, unhone is pe bahut kaam kiya hai
  13. He says he is a product of the public schooling system. I am a product of a public schooling system
  14. He says he comes from a poor village. main ek gareeb gaon se aata hun
  15. He says he recently gave a lecture at IBA Karachi, and nobody left the room. Ab main recently IBA Karachi mein gaya, ek ghante ka lecture tha, we sat for three hours. Nobody left the room.
  16. He says a very large failure in Pakistan is an intellectual failure. jo bahut bada failure hai hamare yahan, woh intellectual failure hai
  17. He says his article drew a very large response. maine apne article uh ke baad jo response hua aur jo itna zyada response hua
  18. He says the response showed how barren Pakistan's intellectual discourse has become, not the article's merit. usmein article ki success nahi thi, balki woh jo bilkul sehra aur bayabaan ban chuka hai hamara intellectual discourse
  19. He says there was a deafening silence in Pakistan's intellectual space. the reason this article was successful is in part because there was such a deafening silence
  20. He says there is also an elite capture of the intellectual class. There is a certain elite capture of the intellectual class as well, I would say
  21. He says Pakistan must make education widely available and decolonise it. hum jab tak education ko aam nahi karte aur decolonize nahi karte
  22. He says education of the heart is an important part of education. education of the heart is an important dimension of education
  23. He says Pakistan is insular and rarely learns from other Muslim countries. hum Pakistan mein bahut insular hain aur khas taur pe hum dusre musalman mumalik se nahi seekhte
  24. He says Pakistan's policymaking is not linked to academia. Toh hamara policy making structure academia ke saath us tarah linked up nahi hai
  25. He says Pakistan's elite interests are tied to traditional actors, landed aristocracy or protectionist elites. Hamare yahan yeh problem hai ki jo ashrafiya hai, uska interest traditional actors ke saath hai, large landed aristocracy hai ya protectionist elite hai
  26. He says Indonesia's elites gradually linked up with the global trading system. Indonesia uh ki jo elites thi woh aahista aahista woh aalmi tijarati nizam ke saath munsalik ho gayi
  27. He says the Philippines is more like Pakistan than Indonesia is. Toh yeh jo Philippines hai, woh us khitte mein hote hue bhi zyada hamari tarah hai
  28. He says the Philippines has dynastic politics and rentier relationships with America. Philippines mein usi tarah dynastic politics hai, usi tarah America ke saath rentier relationships hain
  29. He says the 1997 East Asian financial crisis forced economies to open up. Lekin jo 1997 ka shock aaya, East Asian financial crisis, us crisis ne phir change ki buniyad rakhi, kyunki usse phir aapko open up karna pada economy ko
  30. He says it is sad to waste a crisis, because a crisis can set the stage for reform. it is um it is really sad to waste a crisis because a crisis can really set the change for you know stage for reform
  31. He says Indonesia carried out very large land reforms. Yani Indonesia mein bahut massive land reforms hui thi
  32. He says Egypt's military regime has largely surrendered to the outside system. Egypt ki jo military regime hai, usne more or less surrender kiya hua hai bahar ke system ko
  33. He says Pakistan's authoritarian system has long run on outside resources. Pakistan mein bhi jo authoritarian system hai usko bahar ke resources ke upar woh chalta chala aaya hai
  34. He says removing American military financial aid would overturn Pakistan's authoritarian order. agar American military financial aid nikal dein toh woh nizam ka dharan takhta ho jata hai
  35. He says Pakistan's military cooperated with America while Pakistan kept exploring other options. Pakistan mein military ne America ke saath cooperate toh kiya, lekin Pakistan ka jo strategic nervous system hai, woh thode-thode dusre options bhi explore karta rehta hai
  36. He says the West sees Pakistan as a friend it cannot trust, which is worse than being an enemy. hamari jo situation hai is worse than being an enemy, which is we are a friend they cannot trust
  37. He describes Pakistan as being in a very confusing situation in its foreign policy. Pakistan ek badi confusing si situation mein hai
  38. He says he has tried to study Pakistan's foreign policy for a year without fully understanding it. I've tried to study it over the last one year. Mujhe personally itni samajh nahi aa rahi
  39. He says Pakistan built up 40 years of strategic depth and destroyed it within a year. ek 40 years of strategic depth ke upar humne woh ek cheez build ki. Humne woh ek saal mein aake completely destroy kar di
  40. He says Pakistan could have played a useful role in a peaceful Afghanistan. now in a peaceful Afghanistan, Pakistan can play a very useful role
  41. He says Pakistan's prime minister once stood in the front line at BRI summits and no longer does. chaar paanch saal pehle tak hamara jo prime minister hota tha woh pehli line mein khada hota tha in every sort of BRI summit. Ab woh chauthi line mein bhi nahi hota
  42. He cites Ray Dalio's book, which predicts that American power is weakening. Ray Dalio sahab ki ek badi mashhoor kitab hai jo ke Principles of Changing World Order jismein woh potentially predict kar rahe hain ki yaar America ya American imperial power jo hai woh it's on its way towards a you know I wouldn't say collapse but is aggressively weakening
  43. He says he has always supported trade with India. Personally mera opinion yeh hai and I've always been very pro um trade with India
  44. He says Pakistan may not be able to play all sides through a balancing act. Maybe we cannot play all sides and try to just create a balancing act
  45. He says Pakistan needs a new social contract. I think we need a new social contract
  46. He says Pakistan needs new bargaining structures. Hamein naye bargaining structures ki zaroorat hai
  47. He says those who hold power resist giving it up, and so they resort to violence. jis segment ke paas bhi power hoti hai, woh chahta hai ke woh power uske haath se nikle na. Toh phir sirf violence pe resort karte hain
  48. He says very few traders pay direct tax. Traders jo hain bahut thode traders direct tax dete hain
  49. He says citizens who pay tax should receive concessions in return, citing no taxation without representation. Agar aap tax de rahe hain, jise kehte hain no taxation, no no represent no taxation without representation, right? You need to have some concession as a result of that
  50. He says a basic principle of political economy is constraints on executive power. political economy ka basic usool yeh hai ke jo siyasat hai us mein constraints on executive power
  51. He says without accountability, those in power drift toward fascism. Agar accountability nahi hogi toh jo powerful hai woh toh phir ek fascism
  52. He says civil society, the rule of law, elections and the judiciary generate checks and balances. woh checks and balances generate karte hain aapki civil society bhi, aapki uh uh rule of law hota hai, elections hote hain, judiciary hoti hai
  53. He says Pakistan's constituencies are too large and should be broken up. Pakistan ab bahut bada mulk hai aur bahut saari jo constituencies hain woh itni badi hain jinko todna chahiye
  54. He says the 1985 elections, held without parties, were a turning point. 80 ki dihai mein uh jo 1985 ke intekhabat hain, woh ek turning point tha, kyunke us mein woh party-less elections the
  55. He says dynastic politics grew sharply after the 1980s. woh jo dynastic formation hai, 80 ki dihai ke baad us mein bahut zyada tezi aayi
  56. He says a large share of today's assembly members entered politics in or around the 1980s. bahut jo aaj assembly mein log hain, us mein bahut badi ek percentage hai ke jinhone siyasat mein ya toh qadam rakha 80 ki dihai mein
  57. He says politicians controlled local bureaucracy, police stations, courts and schools. unka control local bureaucracy pe hai, thane pe hai, kachehri pe hai, uh schooling system pe hai
  58. He says the tribal areas were ruled through a political agent, a single individual. Ki jo political agent ke through rule kiya jata tha jismein yeh hai ki aapne ek shakhs hai, political agent tribal areas mein
  59. He says the man-on-the-spot model broadly persisted across Pakistan, under leaders including Musharraf and Zia. woh poore Pakistan mein broadly raha ki man on the spot, chahe Musharraf sahab hon, chahe Zia hon
  60. He says Britain set up indirect rule wherever it went, governing through local allies. Britain jahan jahan gaya, usne ek indirect rule ka system banaya, which means ki thode se imperial officers hote the aur woh local logon ko allies banate the
  61. He says natural village heads were made zaildars and given benefits. Un jo natural village heads hain, unko woh zaildar banate the, unko phir woh khas tarah se, uh, uh, you know, unko benefits dete the
  62. He says there were no property rights before the British. angrezon se pehle koi property rights nahi the
  63. He says large families in Punjab were patronised and paid. Toh zameen aabad ki gayi khas taur pe Punjab mein aur jo badi-badi families thin, unko, uh, patronize kiya gaya, unko paisa diya gaya
  64. He says a person from Punjab would receive a piece of land. Lekin agar aap Punjab se hain toh aapko ek zameen ka tukda milega
  65. He says the Muslim League's mobilisation was largely elite mobilisation. jis tareeqe se Muslim League ne mobilization ki, woh zyada elite mobilization thi
  66. He says Pakistan has not carried out land reform to date. Aaj tak agricultural income tax, badi mushkil baat hai, land reform toh hui nahi
  67. He says land reforms went ahead in Bengal. Bengal went ahead, wahan pe land reforms huin
  68. He says landowners joined clerics in opposing land reforms. jitna jagirdar tabqa tha unhone milke ulama ke saath kaha ki bhai yeh toh as rooh-e-sharia haram hai
  69. He says power moved from the Muslim League's political leadership to the bureaucratic class. iqtidar transfer ho gaya Muslim League ki political leadership se to bureaucratic class
  70. He describes Pakistan as a genuine transition zone where Central Asia meets South Asia. Pakistan mere khayal mein ek genuine transition zone hai jahan north of Pakistan jo hai, usmein Central Asia meets South Asia
  71. He says Britain's rule of law cannot be understood without the 1688 Glorious Revolution. wahan pe aaj rule of law hai, toh usko aap 1688 ke glorious revolution aur usse pehle ki jo masail the, uske baghair nahi dekh sakte
  72. He says China's modern development followed earlier problems, including the opium wars. China mein aaj, uh, jo tarraqi hai, woh ek bahut pehle zamane mein opium wars aur uske apne masail the China ke
  73. He describes the current upheaval as creative destruction. toh actually woh creative destruction bhi hai
  74. He says he is worried about Pakistan but also hopeful. Toh mein, uh, is waqt, uh, saans rok ke baitha hoon ki Pakistan ke baare mein sochta hoon, pareshan hota hoon, lekin mein pur-umeed bhi hoon
  75. He says the ruling system faces fire under its feet, in the language of political economy. Usko, uh, political economy ki zabaan mein kehte hain fire under the feet of the ruling system, jisko Daron Acemoglu, jinki kitab hai Why Nations Fail
  76. He points to middle-class expansion, social media and a generational shift as changes under way in Pakistan. middle class expansion hai, Punjab mein aur KP mein aur aam ilaqon mein khas tarah ki ek aagahi aur shaoor hai, social media ka zamana hai, generational shift aa rahi hai
  77. He says external aid to Pakistan is declining. bahar se jo humein imdad milti hai woh kam ho rahi hai
  78. He says the military and establishment have lost public respect. jo military hai aur jo establishment hai, uski aam awaam ki nazar mein woh izzat nahi rahi ab
  79. He says traditional authority structures are weakening. jo authority structures hain woh weaken ho rahe hain
  80. He says Pakistan will keep receiving money, but only enough to keep the ruling system running. Pakistan ko paise milte rahenge, lekin itne milenge ki show chalta rahe
  81. He says Pakistan is in a state of strategic suspension. Pakistan ko ek lihaz se state of strategic suspension mein rakha ja raha hai
  82. He says Pakistan is caught in coercive economic diplomacy, moving from one IMF programme to the next. Hum coercive economic diplomacy ke narghe mein hain, jismein ek IMF program se dusre IMF program mein jaate hain
  83. He says Pakistan is largely under invisible sanctions. hum by and large invisible sanctions ke zumre mein hain
  84. He says the IMF programme under Imran Khan was very tough. Phir Imran Khan ke zamane mein jo IMF program aaya, woh khasa tough tha
  85. He says Pakistan's population was more than 100 million in the 1980s and is now 240 million. aaj aapki 80s mein population aapki 100 something million thi, aaj aapki 240 million hai
  86. He says Pakistan's conditions look bad, with an elite power struggle and high inflation. jo haalaat hain woh toh kharab hain, kyunki ek elite power struggle, uh, ho rahi hai, inflation bahut zyada hai
  87. He argues Pakistan needs a telescopic view, not just a microscopic one. humein jisko kehte hain na ek telescopic view lene ki zaroorat hai, not just a microscopic view